FSNN | Decentralized News Aggregation for Free Speech

Nearly half of Americans don’t understand what we’re celebrating for America’s 250th anniversary, according to a new poll. Clearly, the festivities aren’t about the quality of the country’s public schools, since this year marks 250 years since the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Something else we should be celebrating, though, is this country’s continued legacy of individual liberty. Our freedom may be under threat from people who don’t appreciate its value both within and outside the country, but it endures with the support—mostly—of Americans themselves. You are reading The Rattler from J.D. Tuccille and Reason. Get more of J.D.’s…

Belgian Police Arrest Phishing Gang Leader Tied to $572K in Stolen Funds

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Inside the fierce data dispute over whether a sanctioned Russian crypto token is actually working to evade Western blocks

8 hours ago1 Views

ESMA Says Many Prediction Market Contracts Fall Under Existing EU Rules

10 hours ago5 Views

Zcash Ironwood Upgrade Nears as Developers Work to Restore Confidence After ZEC Crash

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Americans Will Never Shut Up or Do As We’re Told

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Donald Trump Says ‘Nothing Wrong’ with $1.4B Crypto Windfall While in Office

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‘Every Time I Buy It, It Tanks’: Dave Portnoy Says He’s Losing Millions as Bitcoin Falls

11 hours ago4 Views

UNC Non-Tenure-Track Professor’s Nonrenewal Upheld

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Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Bitcoin whales bought $16.7 billion of BTC in two weeks even as ETFs bled a record $4 billion

Large bitcoin holders bought more than 270,000 bitcoin BTC$62,011.07 ($16.7 billion) over the past two weeks, stepping in as U.S. institutions pulled money out at a record pace.U.S. spot bitcoin exchange-traded funds (ETFs) shed $4.06 billion in June, their worst month since listing, past the previous record of $3.56 billion set in February 2025. The outflows pushed the funds into the red for 2026 as a whole for the first time, and these products finally recorded a $221 million inflow on Thursday.Large wallets, often called whales, went the other way, analysts at crypto exchange Bitfinex shared with CoinDesk in a…

Ctrl-Alt-Speech: Making The Best Of A Ban Situation

Today in Supreme Court History: July 3, 1941

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AI & Crypto

Politics

Mike Huckabee’s False-Advertising-Related Case Against Meta Can Go Forward

Media & Culture 12 hours ago

From the June 23 decision in Huckabee v. Meta Platforms, Inc., by Third Circuit Judge Peter Phipps, joined by Judges Arianna Freeman and Emil Bove: Mike Huckabee … is a Baptist minister, the former Governor of Arkansas, a two-time presidential…

Some Thoughts on the Court’s Opinion(s) in the Birthright Citizenship Case

13 hours ago

The American Bald Eagle Is Back

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Media & Culture

HHS Video That Depicted HHS Group Director Wearing Allegedly Anti-Israel Symbols Wasn’t Actionable Workplace Harassment

Media & Culture

After 250 Years, Are America’s Best Days Still Ahead?

Media & Culture

Review: Gore Vidal’s Burr Is the Anti-Hamilton

Order Barring Communication Between Inmate/Probationer and Daughter for 11 Years Is Unconstitutional

Brickbat: Not Playing

Trump Called the USMCA His ‘Best Deal.’ Now, He Wants Out of It.

Why Are Americans Less Patriotic Than Ever?

Lawyer Argues He Missed Deadlines Because He’s in Piedmont, Italy, and His Internet Service Has Been out for a Month

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Zyn Is Safer Than Smoking. The FDA Will Finally Let It Say So.

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Sadia Moalin Ali Hassan. Photo: Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS) My name is Sadia Moalin Ali Hassan. I am a Somali mother with a 12-month-old child who still depends on breastfeeding, care and a mother’s love. My child needs my presence, and I have a responsibility to fulfill my duties as a mother. My lawyers have argued that my role as a mother, my child’s dependence on me, and the fact that my child is still breastfeeding are circumstances that deserve careful consideration under the law and by the court. In addition, I suffer from asthma, which has caused me significant hardship. As I have repeatedly stated, I have not received the medical care that my condition requires. I therefore request immediate access to an independent doctor to assess my health and ensure that I receive the medication, treatment and living conditions necessary for my well-being. I have been in detention since 12 April 2026, and on 14 April I was transferred to Mogadishu Central Prison. On 25 June 2026, the Banadir Regional Court sentenced me to three years’ imprisonment. I do not admit, and have never admitted, committing any crime. I believe I am being persecuted because of my peaceful statements and opinions that I have expressed, and that the judgment against me was not the product of an independent judicial process free from pressure or interference. I believe that I have been deprived of my rights that were guaranteed to me under the Constitution. I feel that state power has been wrongly used against me and that I am being punished for expressing my views. Nevertheless, I do not want my case to become a tool for political confrontation, social conflict or clan disputes. I do not want any individual or group to use my case to advance their own agenda in ways that could further complicate my situation. I ask only that my case be decided according to the law, credible evidence and justice. My Concerns About the Handling of My Case My case was initially assigned to a judge who I expected would hear it independently. I was later informed that the case file was taken over by the Chairman of the Banadir Regional Court, who also became the judge responsible for delivering the judgment against me. I believe this raises legitimate questions about the impartiality and independence that can reasonably be expected when a court president presides over a case brought by the very government that appointed him. I Am Not Seeking a Presidential Pardon I wish to make my position absolutely clear. I am not seeking a presidential pardon because I do not admit to committing any offence. A pardon is generally sought by someone who pleads guilty and asks to have a sentence forgiven or reduced. Instead, I seek a fair trial and a judgment based on the law and reliable evidence. I also seek an independent appeal that thoroughly reviews the way my case was handled, the evidence presented, the procedural safeguards afforded to me, and the legal reasoning behind my conviction. I do not want emotional rhetoric or exaggerated statements that could damage my appeal. I do not want my case to be reduced to clan politics or tribal divisions, which would only make my situation more difficult. I do not want anyone to be abused or harmed because of my case. Justice is a public trust and the foundation of every individual, family, society, and state. The judiciary must remain independent from political, social, economic, and clan-based pressure. As Allah says in the Holy Qur’an: Indeed, Allah commands you to return trusts to their rightful owners; and when you judge between people, judge with fairness. What a noble commandment from Allah to you! Surely Allah is all-hearing, all-seeing. (quran: 4:58) Judicial office is not merely an authority to pass judgment; it is a responsibility entrusted by both God and society. Judges must treat all people equally, regardless of power, wealth, clan identity, public office, or personal connections. Before delivering judgment, a judge should remember that the person standing before the court has dignity, a family, children, a life, and constitutional rights deserving of protection. What I Am Asking For In summary, I respectfully request the following: A prompt and independent appeal. I ask that my appeal be heard without delay by an independent court that impartially reviews the judgment, the evidence, and the procedures followed during my trial. An impartial judge. I seek a judge whose decisions are not influenced by the wishes or interests of other officials, and who does not fear losing their position for upholding the law and justice. A clear separation between court administration and the judge making the decision.I request that my appeal be assigned to a judge who does not simultaneously hold senior administrative responsibilities that could create actual or perceived pressure. Justice must not only be done; it must also be seen to be done. Full access to my case file for my lawyers. My legal team should be provided with the complete written judgment, all prosecution evidence, and the records and transcripts of the court proceedings. Immediate medical care. I request an examination by an independent doctor and access to the treatment, medication, and healthcare my condition requires. Consideration of my child’s best interests. The court should carefully consider my infant child’s need for breastfeeding, maternal care, and the impact my absence may have on my child’s health and development. My child is not a party to this case and should not suffer an indirect punishment for circumstances beyond their control. A transparent public appeal hearing. I request that my appeal hearing be open to the public, where permitted by law, so that the proceedings can be observed and public rumors or conflicting reports can be minimised. A judiciary free from social media pressure. I ask for judges who decide cases based on the law and evidence, free from the influence of Facebook, TikTok, or other social media platforms. Judicial decisions should never be driven by popularity, public approval, or the desire to satisfy those in positions of power, but solely by justice and the rule of law. No retaliation in my name. I ask my supporters not to insult others or blame entire families or clans because of my case. I reject responding to injustice with further injustice. My conscience tells me that a victim cannot seek justice by victimising innocent people. Freedom of Expression and the Responsibility of the State Citizens have the right to criticise their government, question its policies, and speak about unemployment, discrimination, corruption, poverty, and unequal opportunities. Freedom of expression does not place anyone above the law. Equally, the law must never become a weapon to silence criticism or intimidate those with less power. Where a person is accused of unlawful speech, the authorities should clearly identify the specific statements alleged to be unlawful, explain which law they are said to have violated, and demonstrate the harm they caused. The accused must also be given a genuine opportunity to defend themselves. The reality remains that the state possesses far greater power than an individual who is imprisoned. That is why the greatest responsibility rests with the government and the judiciary, both of which must demonstrate restraint, impartiality, and unwavering respect for the rule of law. My Message to the Somali People I ask the Somali public not to turn my case into a source of conflict, clan rivalry, insults, or revenge. I encourage lawyers, religious scholars, women, mothers, journalists, academics, and human rights organisations to support every person’s right to a fair trial. I am not asking for support because I belong to a particular clan. Nor am I asking for support simply because I am a woman. I ask for support because I am a Somali citizen entitled to justice, healthcare, and an independent judiciary. Any one of us may one day stand before a court. If an unfair trial is accepted today, another person may face the same injustice tomorrow, until injustice becomes normalised. Protecting my rights is therefore not only about protecting Sadiyo. It is about protecting the rights of every Somali citizen and safeguarding justice for both present and future generations. Conclusion No one should be oppressed through power, imprisonment, violence, intimidation, censorship, or the misuse of the law. Somalia’s history contains many examples of people imprisoned because of their ideas, their speech, or their political views. My intention is not to compare myself with those who were unjustly treated in the past. Rather, I wish to remind my fellow Somalis that freedom of expression and an independent judiciary are precious values that every generation has a duty to preserve for the next. This letter was first published in English on the website of KaabTV READ MORE

Global Free Speech 14 hours ago

Upbit Says It Isn’t Participating in Open USD Issuance

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance 15 hours ago

Tokenization could make finance faster but also more prone to sudden shocks, IMF warns

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance 19 hours ago

Irish Authorities Seize Another 500 Bitcoin in Criminal Proceeds

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Houses of Parliament UK. Photo: David Martyn Hunt/CC BY 2.0 Broad, sweeping legislation passed at breakneck speed isn’t generally great for freedom of expression, so right now we’re nervous about the National Security (State Threats) Bill 2026, which was announced only a few weeks ago and is expected to pass into law this week. The Bill, which builds on the 2023 National Security Act, would allow the UK government to label state-backed groups as terrorist organisations. Superficially there’s much to like. It’s clearly been created to deal with two major issues: transnational repression, a growing threat in the UK, especially for dissidents, and meddling by foreign states who are driving divisions and likely behind some recent attacks on Jewish communities. In the explanatory note attached to the Bill various scenarios are listed. While hypothetical they clearly mirror real-life events. One example sounds close to the case of Iran International journalist Pouria Zeraati, who was stabbed outside his home in London in 2024. All good yes? Well, not entirely. The Bill introduces a set of new criminal offences. Any person who “support[s], assist[s] and obtain[s] material benefits” from a ‘designated’ body could face up to 14 years in prison per offence. Material benefits include information. This could mean that a journalist interviewing someone from within a designated group, or obtaining materials from such a group, could fall foul of the new law. Incoming two scenarios: A journalist gets imprisoned for interaction with a designated group or a journalist steers clear of them altogether. Both are bad for media freedom. A good journalist forensically investigates all sides of a story, they expose wrong-doing and, to cover their back, they get rights-of-reply – all of which involve interaction with nefarious players from time to time. Hallelujah for that – our democracy is stronger for it. The government are aware of this pitfall, which is why in the policy paper that accompanied the Bill’s announcement they have “journalistic freedoms” in the safeguard section as a “relevant defence”. But it’s not in the Bill itself, where it would hold more weight. The policy paper mention is also broad. Who is a journalist? Do you need to have a formal journalism qualification? Do you need to be staff at a media organisation? What of freelancers? Would stringers count? Which company? Legacy media? How about new outlets? Are bloggers covered? These questions aren’t trivial. Just look at the war in Gaza, where arguments about who qualifies as a journalist have raged from the start. It also puts powers in the hands of judges to decide if the journalism defence holds weight. You can imagine the courts being gummed up with journalists waiting for a judge to decide whether the comment they were given by a hostile state fell foul of the law. Most likely the journalist wouldn’t bother asking for the other side of the story. I’ve laid out a lot of what-ifs, but that’s precisely the point. For something to become law MPs need time to scrutinise, to ask questions, to get answers and then make relevant amendments. Organisations like Index need to have time to raise concerns with our elected representatives too. None of that has happened here, and it’s why we’re worried. When the necessary time and attention isn’t given to complex issues especially around areas like terrorism, then overly oppressive laws can be easily slipped onto the statute books. READ MORE

Global Free Speech 20 hours ago

Binance pushes back on reports that EU regulators tried to block it

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance 20 hours ago

Opinions & Debates

Debates

Why Australia’s CGT Changes Could Stunt Economic Growth

News Room

Recorded on 30 June 2026, Claire Lehmann sat down with Derek Francis— former chief economist at the NSW Parliamentary Budget Office and a fund manager—to discuss a flaw in Treasury’s modelling of Australia’s new capital gains tax, one that could push effective tax rates on shares as high as 70 percent. TranscriptClaire Lehmann: Last month, Treasurer Jim Chalmers delivered one of Australia’s most ambitious and controversial budgets to date. It was framed as an attempt to restore intergenerational equity, in light of the fact that house prices have become completely unaffordable for young people across the country. To address this, negative…

Debates