FSNN | Decentralized News Aggregation for Free Speech

He authored Bitcoin Improvement Proposal 361 (BIP-361), which outlines a phased migration to quantum-resistant cryptography.”The goal is to create incentives and deadlines so users, exchanges, custodians, wallets and institutions actually migrate in a timely fashion,” saidLopp, who in April said it would be better to freeze Satoshi’s hoard and millions of other dormant bitcoins than to let hackers steal them.Matt Hougan, chief investment officer at Bitwise, rejected both letting the coins be stolen and freezing them outright.Instead, he pointed to a proposal by Castle Island Ventures partner Nic Carter that would place Satoshi’s bitcoin into a legal trust until ownership…

Perplexity Co-Founder: AI Safety Is an Excuse to Lock Down Frontier

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Kalshi, Polymarket Hit Rcord June trading on World Cup

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Why bitcoin’s (BTC) disconnect from record-high stocks won’t last

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Best Wishes for a Happy 250th!

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A massive EU regulatory crackdown is threatening the explosive boom of multibillion-dollar prediction markets

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Inside the Trading Engine Behind ChangeNOW’s ‘Fast, Seamless Swaps’

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Partisan Press Conference (Episode 4)

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Europe led on crypto regulation. Now implementation must match ambition

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Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

US Law Enforcement Groups No Longer Opposes CLARITY Act

The Major County Sheriffs of America reportedly said it no longer opposes the CLARITY Act after initially raising concerns over how the bill would affect illicit finance investigations.In a letter to US Senate Banking Committee chair Tim Scott and Senator Elizabeth Warren on Friday, the MCSA said it shifted its stance on the CLARITY Act to “neutral” after some of its concerns in a May 14 letter regarding Section 604 in the bill were addressed.Section 604 relates to the Blockchain Regulatory Certainty Act, which seeks to protect developers from liability for illicit activity committed by users on their decentralized platforms.…

On America’s 250th Birthday, the United States Arms the World’s Tyrannies

Trump crypto token buyers are down $3.8 billion, Nansen data shows

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AI & Crypto

Politics

People with Past Mental Hospital Commitments May Regain Second Amendment Rights

Media & Culture 17 hours ago

From Thursday’s Seventh Circuit decision in U.S. v. Rose, written by Judge Frank Easterbook and joined by Judges Thomas Kirsch and Doris Pryor:In September 2009 Jonathan Rose was involuntarily committed to a mental hospital in Indiana, suffering from a “psychiatric…

Court Rejects Professor’s Claim That Discontinuation of University DEI Offices and Programs Violated Professor’s Rights

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Today in Supreme Court History: July 4, 1776

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1776 All-Stars: George Washington Was a Model of Restraint

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Brickbats: July 2026

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Judge’s Conclusions About Risks of Identification for ICE Officers

Virginia Law Banning Law Enforcement Officer Masks Blocked as to ICE

No One Can Control the Future

The Conservative Anarchism of Dwight Macdonald

America’s Founding Drinkers: Washington and His Men Knew How To Party

On America’s 250th Birthday, Celebrate Liberty

Today in Supreme Court History: July 3, 1941

What Makes Someone American? It’s Neither Creed Nor Bloodline—It’s a Spirit

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Revolut Notifies Customers of USDT Delisting

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Bitcoin’s next parabolic run is coming. But there’s a $1 trillion catch

SOL Tops $83 As Solana Network Activity Surges

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Senator Gillibrand Seeks to Ban Trump, Elected Officials From Launching Meme Coins

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Bitcoin Can Still Go Lower as Supply Metric Prints First ‘Buy’ Signal in 4 Years

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Claude Fable 5 Isn’t Nerfed. The Router Is Just Paranoid

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Belgian Police Arrest Phishing Gang Leader Tied to $572K in Stolen Funds

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Ctrl-Alt-Speech: Making The Best Of A Ban Situation

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Inside the fierce data dispute over whether a sanctioned Russian crypto token is actually working to evade Western blocks

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US Senator Calls for Ban on Elected Officials Issuing Memecoins

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Editor's Picks

UK’s bold new crypto rules promise to unlock global trading, but huge compliance hurdles still threaten the rollout

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Opinions & Debates

Debates

Why Australia’s CGT Changes Could Stunt Economic Growth

News Room

Recorded on 30 June 2026, Claire Lehmann sat down with Derek Francis— former chief economist at the NSW Parliamentary Budget Office and a fund manager—to discuss a flaw in Treasury’s modelling of Australia’s new capital gains tax, one that could push effective tax rates on shares as high as 70 percent. TranscriptClaire Lehmann: Last month, Treasurer Jim Chalmers delivered one of Australia’s most ambitious and controversial budgets to date. It was framed as an attempt to restore intergenerational equity, in light of the fact that house prices have become completely unaffordable for young people across the country. To address this, negative…

Debates

How Human Rights Became Big Business

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Thomas Jefferson and the True Source of Human Rights

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How the Declaration of Independence Shaped Freedom Worldwide

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Onuf and Cogliano on His Relevance Today

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Abolish Everything, Replace It With What?

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Spielberg’s Disclosure Day and Real Transparency

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Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

‘Every Time I Buy It, It Tanks’: Dave Portnoy Says He’s Losing Millions as Bitcoin Falls

In brief Barstool Sports founder Dave Portnoy said he’s down millions of dollars on Bitcoin as the top coin falls. Portnoy admitted he’s never…

Media & Culture

UNC Non-Tenure-Track Professor’s Nonrenewal Upheld

From Chavis v. UNC, decided Tuesday by Chief Judge Catherine Eagles (M.D.N.C.): Dr. Larry Chavis was a non-tenured professor at the University of North…

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Strategy’s Bitcoin Shift, Open USD Launch, Fidelity Weighs In

For years, Michael Saylor’s Strategy built its brand around a simple mantra: Buy Bitcoin. Never sell. This week, that narrative changed. The company authorized up…

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Mike Huckabee’s False-Advertising-Related Case Against Meta Can Go Forward

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Bitcoin (BTC) price bounces as memory, semiconductor stock trade starts to cool

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Sadia Moalin Ali Hassan. Photo: Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS) My name is Sadia Moalin Ali Hassan. I am a Somali mother with a 12-month-old child who still depends on breastfeeding, care and a mother’s love. My child needs my presence, and I have a responsibility to fulfill my duties as a mother. My lawyers have argued that my role as a mother, my child’s dependence on me, and the fact that my child is still breastfeeding are circumstances that deserve careful consideration under the law and by the court. In addition, I suffer from asthma, which has caused me significant hardship. As I have repeatedly stated, I have not received the medical care that my condition requires. I therefore request immediate access to an independent doctor to assess my health and ensure that I receive the medication, treatment and living conditions necessary for my well-being. I have been in detention since 12 April 2026, and on 14 April I was transferred to Mogadishu Central Prison. On 25 June 2026, the Banadir Regional Court sentenced me to three years’ imprisonment. I do not admit, and have never admitted, committing any crime. I believe I am being persecuted because of my peaceful statements and opinions that I have expressed, and that the judgment against me was not the product of an independent judicial process free from pressure or interference. I believe that I have been deprived of my rights that were guaranteed to me under the Constitution. I feel that state power has been wrongly used against me and that I am being punished for expressing my views. Nevertheless, I do not want my case to become a tool for political confrontation, social conflict or clan disputes. I do not want any individual or group to use my case to advance their own agenda in ways that could further complicate my situation. I ask only that my case be decided according to the law, credible evidence and justice. My Concerns About the Handling of My Case My case was initially assigned to a judge who I expected would hear it independently. I was later informed that the case file was taken over by the Chairman of the Banadir Regional Court, who also became the judge responsible for delivering the judgment against me. I believe this raises legitimate questions about the impartiality and independence that can reasonably be expected when a court president presides over a case brought by the very government that appointed him. I Am Not Seeking a Presidential Pardon I wish to make my position absolutely clear. I am not seeking a presidential pardon because I do not admit to committing any offence. A pardon is generally sought by someone who pleads guilty and asks to have a sentence forgiven or reduced. Instead, I seek a fair trial and a judgment based on the law and reliable evidence. I also seek an independent appeal that thoroughly reviews the way my case was handled, the evidence presented, the procedural safeguards afforded to me, and the legal reasoning behind my conviction. I do not want emotional rhetoric or exaggerated statements that could damage my appeal. I do not want my case to be reduced to clan politics or tribal divisions, which would only make my situation more difficult. I do not want anyone to be abused or harmed because of my case. Justice is a public trust and the foundation of every individual, family, society, and state. The judiciary must remain independent from political, social, economic, and clan-based pressure. As Allah says in the Holy Qur’an: Indeed, Allah commands you to return trusts to their rightful owners; and when you judge between people, judge with fairness. What a noble commandment from Allah to you! Surely Allah is all-hearing, all-seeing. (quran: 4:58) Judicial office is not merely an authority to pass judgment; it is a responsibility entrusted by both God and society. Judges must treat all people equally, regardless of power, wealth, clan identity, public office, or personal connections. Before delivering judgment, a judge should remember that the person standing before the court has dignity, a family, children, a life, and constitutional rights deserving of protection. What I Am Asking For In summary, I respectfully request the following: A prompt and independent appeal. I ask that my appeal be heard without delay by an independent court that impartially reviews the judgment, the evidence, and the procedures followed during my trial. An impartial judge. I seek a judge whose decisions are not influenced by the wishes or interests of other officials, and who does not fear losing their position for upholding the law and justice. A clear separation between court administration and the judge making the decision.I request that my appeal be assigned to a judge who does not simultaneously hold senior administrative responsibilities that could create actual or perceived pressure. Justice must not only be done; it must also be seen to be done. Full access to my case file for my lawyers. My legal team should be provided with the complete written judgment, all prosecution evidence, and the records and transcripts of the court proceedings. Immediate medical care. I request an examination by an independent doctor and access to the treatment, medication, and healthcare my condition requires. Consideration of my child’s best interests. The court should carefully consider my infant child’s need for breastfeeding, maternal care, and the impact my absence may have on my child’s health and development. My child is not a party to this case and should not suffer an indirect punishment for circumstances beyond their control. A transparent public appeal hearing. I request that my appeal hearing be open to the public, where permitted by law, so that the proceedings can be observed and public rumors or conflicting reports can be minimised. A judiciary free from social media pressure. I ask for judges who decide cases based on the law and evidence, free from the influence of Facebook, TikTok, or other social media platforms. Judicial decisions should never be driven by popularity, public approval, or the desire to satisfy those in positions of power, but solely by justice and the rule of law. No retaliation in my name. I ask my supporters not to insult others or blame entire families or clans because of my case. I reject responding to injustice with further injustice. My conscience tells me that a victim cannot seek justice by victimising innocent people. Freedom of Expression and the Responsibility of the State Citizens have the right to criticise their government, question its policies, and speak about unemployment, discrimination, corruption, poverty, and unequal opportunities. Freedom of expression does not place anyone above the law. Equally, the law must never become a weapon to silence criticism or intimidate those with less power. Where a person is accused of unlawful speech, the authorities should clearly identify the specific statements alleged to be unlawful, explain which law they are said to have violated, and demonstrate the harm they caused. The accused must also be given a genuine opportunity to defend themselves. The reality remains that the state possesses far greater power than an individual who is imprisoned. That is why the greatest responsibility rests with the government and the judiciary, both of which must demonstrate restraint, impartiality, and unwavering respect for the rule of law. My Message to the Somali People I ask the Somali public not to turn my case into a source of conflict, clan rivalry, insults, or revenge. I encourage lawyers, religious scholars, women, mothers, journalists, academics, and human rights organisations to support every person’s right to a fair trial. I am not asking for support because I belong to a particular clan. Nor am I asking for support simply because I am a woman. I ask for support because I am a Somali citizen entitled to justice, healthcare, and an independent judiciary. Any one of us may one day stand before a court. If an unfair trial is accepted today, another person may face the same injustice tomorrow, until injustice becomes normalised. Protecting my rights is therefore not only about protecting Sadiyo. It is about protecting the rights of every Somali citizen and safeguarding justice for both present and future generations. Conclusion No one should be oppressed through power, imprisonment, violence, intimidation, censorship, or the misuse of the law. Somalia’s history contains many examples of people imprisoned because of their ideas, their speech, or their political views. My intention is not to compare myself with those who were unjustly treated in the past. Rather, I wish to remind my fellow Somalis that freedom of expression and an independent judiciary are precious values that every generation has a duty to preserve for the next. This letter was first published in English on the website of KaabTV READ MORE

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Media & Culture

ACLU Sues After Facial Recognition Falsely Identifies Florida Man as a Child Abductor

Police arrested a man in Florida for attempted child abduction in a town he had never visited, and the only evidence linking him to…

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

U.S. House bill would erect crypto-theft task force across law enforcement agencies

Crypto theft from criminal fraud and hacking would be the jurisdiction of a new U.S. cross-agency task force contemplated in a bipartisan bill introduced…

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

MassPay Taps Coinbase to Expand Stablecoin Payouts

Cross-border payout platform MassPay and Coinbase announced a partnership on Thursday to offer stablecoin cross-border payouts.The partnership connects MassPay’s network in 180 countries with…

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Banks Say Stablecoin Rules Should Cover Secondary Markets

In brief The Bank Policy Institute and The Clearing House said stablecoin AML rules should cover activity after tokens leave issuers. They urged regulators…

Media & Culture

The Economist Who Wants To Make the World Poorer

Writer and philosopher Ayn Rand was often accused of inventing cartoonish villains. Rogues like Ellsworth Toohey in The Fountainhead would scheme to seize the global…

Global Free Speech

An Afghan teacher. Photo: Yunus Tuğ/Unsplash+ I was sitting in the staffroom of the school where I teach. It was a hot afternoon, and the weather made everything feel heavier. The room was small and crowded, with furniture pushed tightly against the walls as if it had been forced into place years ago and never moved again. Beside me stood an old grey metal cupboard where we kept our daily lesson plans. Its doors were stiff and heavy, and sometimes we had to push hard just to open it properly. The room had only one window. Because the building was above the second floor, the window had been built high into the wall according to local customs, so people could not easily look into their neighbours’ homes. From where I sat beside the cupboard, I could glimpse the sky. It was pale blue mixed with grey, but the sunlight spread across it so harshly that it almost looked white. The brightness felt distant, as if it belonged to another world outside the room. Beside me sat Basira, one of my colleagues who had studied architectural engineering at university. Sometimes she looked at that window and spoke about the years she had spent drawing designs and construction plans, believing she was building a future for herself. She once told me that architecture had taught her to think about light, openness and possibility. Now she sat in a room where even the architecture carried silence and limitation. It was a private school, because that was the only place I could find work. In Afghanistan, private schools are usually attended by the children of businessmen, powerful families and those who can afford better educational opportunities. I studied in a public school myself and I have always believed that education does not depend entirely on the type of school someone attends, but on the determination and enthusiasm of the student. But when I went looking for a job, my opportunities were restricted. After the Taliban came to power in Afghanistan, women were stopped from teaching boys over the age of seven, and girls over the age of 11. Many high school teachers lost their jobs, their profession, their source of independence, stability and participation in society. Some of them moved down to teach at primary school. At the same time, women from other professions, like Basira, went into teaching because it was the only job open to them. The result is that a private school in Kabul or Mazar has an infinite supply of highly qualified women teachers and can treat them as badly as they like. We live under threat. As one of my colleagues said to me once: “Bring a knife and kill us instead. How can we live after being fired with no future and no place in society?” A simple example: laptops. I was expected to bring my own – but I did not have one. This article is typed on a phone. I use my phone for my lesson plans and everything else. But even our phones had to stay hidden most of the time because teachers were not supposed to use them openly during school hours. The administration believed phones distracted teachers from teaching and worried they would spend time scrolling through social media instead of focusing on students. Cameras were installed in every classroom and hallway, and teachers were constantly watched by the school administration. At break, 17 teachers shared the staffroom. Now, four were outside supervising students during the break, while the rest of us squeezed together wherever we could find space. Sometimes we sat so close it felt as if we were sitting in each other’s laps. Beside me sat Freshta, who had studied English literature and spent two years studying nursing before her education was interrupted. She had dreamed of becoming a doctor, but now she taught Oxford Science to young children in a private school. I was studying medicine myself, carrying my own unfinished hopes quietly beside me each day. Across the room sat Yalda, who had studied law and imagined a future in the courts, before the Taliban returned. Teaching was never supposed to be her life. Susan was one of the few who truly loved teaching. She studied mathematics and taught the Afghan curriculum, while I taught Oxford mathematics, which was slightly more advanced. But even Susan was easily replaceable. Our headteacher often spoke of our students studying for their future, but all the time his teachers were learning how temporary they were. Sometimes the worry of losing this last remaining job reminded me of The Metamorphosis, where Gregor worries about work even after turning into an insect. When it comes down to it, people care less about who leaves than about who can still be useful. Across the room one of our middle-aged teachers, Ustad Ziba, was struggling. She suffers from heart problems and finds it difficult to breathe while teaching in a mask. One of her hands constantly pulls the mask down and pushes it back up again as she gasps for air. We thought we were lucky to be in a school where, after much discussion, women teachers were not required to wear the full burqa inside. Instead, we wear a hijab, a headscarf that covers a woman’s hair, neck, shoulders and sometimes the chest, so that not even a single strand of hair is visible. It is worn with a long, loose dress that covers the entire body. In addition, all teachers wear a medical face mask, which covers the nose and mouth. On hot days though, even this lighter face covering is restrictive. Before these rules, long dresses were my favourite clothes. But after they became mandatory, my feelings changed. Whenever I wear them now, I feel as if I am tied with ropes. As I walk, I am constantly afraid of slipping because the long skirt sometimes gets stuck under my feet. When I move around the classroom while teaching, I often think, “What if I suddenly fall in front of my students?” Even simple movements no longer feel natural or comfortable. I was eating a biscuit with a glass of green tea when our male headteacher, a man around 37 years old, came in. In school, he wears local Afghan clothes because in formal workplaces it has become compulsory for men as well as women. Today, he was wearing a long tunic (perahan), loose trousers (tunban) and a long outer coat. No face mask for him though. I could see his kind, anxious face. Our headteacher is an educated man and has two daughters. From the time he started at our school he has always spoken to us in a calm and respectful way. Unlike many others, he did not seem happy about the restrictions placed on women. I felt that he understood our struggles, even if he could not openly speak against the rules. He was part of the school administration, but always afraid that Taliban officials might suddenly arrive without warning to inspect the building. It was always a shocking event: dusty white pick-up trucks would roll up, armed men sitting in the front. The back opened onto a space for carrying groups of fighters. Truckloads of dust and fear. They would enter our school without even asking permission from the administration, park their vehicles outside the gates and step out with guns hanging from their shoulders. They’d walk through the corridors as if they were searching for a fugitive or someone who had committed a terrible crime. Their radios crackled in their hands while teachers and children lowered their eyes and became silent. Even before they spoke, terror spread through the building. That day, the headteacher told us about something he had heard the day before. A woman walking beside her husband in the market had been stopped because her mask was not covering her face properly. As he spoke, I imagined the scene clearly in my mind. In many provinces, women are beaten with whips by the morality police. This time though he said there were also female workers with the Taliban patrol. They surrounded the woman in the crowded market while male officers stood nearby watching. The woman resisted, perhaps only by trying to protect herself or pull her veil closer around her face, and then the female officers were ordered to beat her. Afterward, they grabbed her by the arms and pulled her toward the waiting vehicle to take her away. All the people watched silently, as if a film scene were unfolding in front of them, yet no one dared to speak. Fear held every voice down. I imagined the dirt roads of the market, the carriages and carts parked around the crowded streets, and the salesmen with tired faces standing helplessly behind their vegetables and goods. Dust hung in the hot air while the woman was dragged away, and everyone pretended not to see because in that moment even looking too long could be dangerous. He lowered his gaze and looked down. There was a kind of silent shame on his face, a silence that many men in Afghanistan seem to carry when they witness these restrictions, but cannot openly oppose them. The weight of it all bore down on the room. We teachers looked at each other. Yalda pressed her mask tighter against her face, as if trying to disappear into it. Freshta looked down, as if she was searching on the floor for the lost sparkles in her eyes. I stopped eating my biscuit. For a few seconds, no one spoke. The silence was so deep that it felt like even breathing had become louder than usual. The headteacher said: “Dear teachers, your dignity is more important than anything to us. We don’t want any of you to be beaten or arrested on the excuse that you are wearing makeup, using nail polish or not properly covering your face and body.” After that, he left the room. But the heaviness of his words, and the heaviness of these rules, stayed in the room. At that moment something inside me tightened. The room felt even smaller. I looked away and stayed silent. I thought about all the years I had spent studying and working for a future I believed in. I had worked so hard to become someone. Yet now, even the smallest choices, how I dressed, whether I covered my face with a mask on a hot afternoon, no longer belonged to me. I realised that I wanted to scream. Not just a sound, something deeper. I wanted to scream that I exist. That I am a human being. That I have thoughts and a heart and a voice. But the scream did not come out. It stayed inside my throat like a stone that I could not swallow or remove. I wiped my tears before anyone could notice. Outside, life continued as normal. Inside us, something had already changed, even if nothing around us did. I can still feel that scream now. I’m putting it here. Rahmati is a 24-year-old and lives in Kabul, Afghanistan. She had been studying at Kabul University for two years, but her education was stopped. She currently works in education and writes under a pen name for her safety. Some personal details have been adjusted to protect her identity and her family. This story is very personal to her. It reflects the emotional reality of living under restrictions and the silence experienced by many Afghan women. Writing has become her only way to express what cannot be safely spoken in daily life. She hopes that, through publication, these experiences will be seen and understood by a wider audience. READ MORE

I was sitting in the staffroom of the school where I teach. It was a hot afternoon, and the weather made everything feel heavier.…

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

May Breakdown and What’s Next

In today’s newsletter, Joshua de Vos, from CoinDesk Research, analyzes May’s crypto outflows to explain what current market signals mean.Then, in “Ask an Expert,”…

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Franklin Templeton, BNP Paribas See Tokenization Boosting EU’s Capital Efficiency

Large financial institutions are turning to tokenization to improve capital efficiency and liquidity, according to representatives from Franklin Templeton and BNP Paribas.Speaking at a…

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