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Home»News»Global Free Speech»Portuguese politician Pedro Frazão speaks at the Battle for the Soul of Europe conference. Photo: mcc.hu This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world, published on 2 April 2026. Pedro Frazão is a Portuguese far-right politician who fancies himself as something of an orator. At the Battle for the Soul of Europe conference in Brussels last December, the youthful 50-year-old cut a dynamic and sharp-suited figure as he outlined his vision. He called for “patriots” across the continent to fight for its fragile, inherited freedoms. Without the courage to fight, he suggested, the whole edifice of Western civilisation could collapse. He ended with a flourish: “The West is here and being reborn.” Commenting on his YouTube channel immediately after the conference, Frazão refined his message: “Global elites buy media, hide truths and try to silence those who defend sovereignty, family and national identity. We cannot give in. It is up to us to protect the homeland, the borders and freedom. Portugal needs patriots who will not bow down.” The conference was organised by MCC Brussels, an offshoot of the Matthias Corvinus Collegium, a Hungarian institution with close links to the country’s prime minister, Viktor Orbán. Politico has described the MCC Brussels as “the EU’s most prominent hard-right pressure group”. Far-right revivalists such as Frazão claim they are fighting for key enlightenment values, including free speech, which they say are under threat from a tsunami of wokery, driven by European Union bureaucrats. Stars of the Far Right The line-up at the conference was a Who’s Who of the European far right, including the British academic Matthew Goodwin, who later announced he would be standing for Reform UK in the recent Gorton and Denton parliamentary by-election (which he lost). Goodwin told delegates there was “a political revolution under way”, which would destroy the traditional two-party system in the UK. “We will root out diversity, equality and inclusion policies or woke ideology from taxpayer-funded institutions,” he said, warning that a Reform government would look more like Donald Trump’s second administration in the USA than his first. Other speakers included Alice Cordier, the French anti-immigration activist and founder of the Collectif Némésis; Patrick Deneen, the prominent conservative author of Why Liberalism Failed; and the Polish Christian philosopher-politician Ryszard Legutko. The star turn at the Battle for the Soul of Europe was former Czech president Václav Klaus, a key dissident ally of Václav Havel during the Cold War who has tacked further and further to the right in recent years. MCC was founded in 1996 as a private higher-education institute by the conservative, anti-communist Tombor family and has grown into a hugely influential network of interlinked bodies. Combining the functions of a university, a youth movement and a think-tank, it has also developed a programme of political education under the banner of “talent development”. MCC Brussels is headed by the Hungarian-British academic Frank Furedi, emeritus professor of sociology at the University of Kent in the UK and a former leader of the Revolutionary Communist Party there. Furedi’s latest book, The War Against the Past: Why the West Must Fight for Its History, is a staunch defence of the legacy of Western values and history against attacks sustained during the culture wars. He sees his role, which he took up two years ago after a chance meeting with the Hungarian prime minister’s political director Balázs Orbán (no relation), as providing a counterbalance to European liberal orthodoxy. The links to the Fidesz government are explicit, with more than $1bn of government funds transferred to MCC at the beginning of the 2020s. Last year, the Brussels arm of the organisation received $6m from sources allied to Viktor Orbán, according to Politico. Balázs Orbán is its chairman. Media freedom In an interview with Index last year, Furedi said: “We are funded by two companies, the oil company MOL and Gedeon Richter, the pharmaceutical company. Now, you could argue that MCC Hungary [the orginal MCC] has got a close association with the government and it empathises with the government’s politics. Our particular organisation is entirely autonomous. That was the condition on which I took the job or set it up…” Furedi is a staunch supporter of the idea that there is media freedom in Hungary despite Fidesz and its allies owning 80% of media outlets, according to Reporters Without Borders. He also said: “I do think the attacks on Orbán’s government and Hungary over the free media are misconceived… You have a situation where there are TV channels in Hungary that are anti-government and have a very large viewership. You have a situation where the opposition has got a far greater presence on social media, on social media platforms, than the government has. [If] you go to Budapest and you go to newspaper shops, you’ll find that there are plenty of newspapers, not one, two or three, [that are] hostile and critical to government, so I don’t see it the way it’s represented.” Since it was established in 2022, MCC Brussels has pumped out a stream of anti-EU reports. In 2025 alone, the think-tank has published 11 substantial reports in an attempt to expose the supposed woke bias of the EU as it wages a war against the free speech of the silent majority. These include Mission Creeps: How EU Funding and Activist NGOs Captured the Gender Agenda, Brussels’s Media Machine: EU Media Funding and the Shaping of Public Discourse, Rule of Lawyers: How the ECHR is Hampering Action on Migration, and Indoctrinating Children: How Brussels Embeds Gender Identity in the Classroom. The ideological direction of travel is clear, but these reports are not the intemperate ravings of the traditional extreme right. These are detailed arguments honed over the years by the intellectual allies of Furedi as he made his way from the hard left to the populist right. Europe under threat? The consistent message at Battle for the Soul of Europe was this: European civilisation is under threat from the combined forces of mass immigration and political correctness. Free speech for people wishing to raise these issues is being stifled. Patriots of sovereign nations need to wake up and fight for the Christian values of the West and come to some kind of understanding with Russia. Just a week after the conference, Trump made it clear that his national security strategy’s Europe policy was based on precisely the same principles. Writing in Foreign Affairs earlier this year, Nick Cheeseman, Matias Bianchi and Jennifer Cyr identified the concept of The Illiberal International, which brings together far-right politicians to reshape the global order. They identified key gatherings of the far right such as the Make Europe Great Again rally in Madrid in February 2025, hosted by the right-wing party and MCC ally Patriots.EU. The annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), which met in Hungary in 2022, met again in Budapest on 21 March 2026 – just before parliamentary elections – with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu as the keynote speaker. These set-piece events provide a forum for what the Foreign Affairs authors describe as “narrative diffusion”. December’s Battle for the Soul of Europe was just such an event. The Illiberal International article describes this process brilliantly: “Attendees endorse each other in speeches, cultivate networks of contacts, and share ideas, building international connections that provide visibility and legitimacy for domestic movements. And because these events include both conventional conservative discourse and outright disinformation, they can blur the boundary between the two, making authoritarian messaging appear more palatable to mainstream audiences.” Viktor Orbán’s concept of “illiberal democracy” has often been cited as an inspiration for the Trump regime, and in recent months the ideological links between Budapest and Washington have become increasingly explicit. At the beginning of February, MCC welcomed an investigation by the USA’s House Judiciary Committee into alleged EU censorship. A statement from MCC Brussels claimed “internal communications from major technology platforms provides incontrovertible proof that the European Union’s regulatory framework is a ‘censorship operating system’ designed to systematically throttle free speech”. For some time, MCC Brussels has warned of an alliance between unelected EU institutions, tech companies and state-funded NGOs to stifle right-wing political speech. As far as the US committee and the European right are concerned, the EU’s Democracy Shield – an initiative launched in November 2025 by the EU Commission to target disinformation, fake news and foreign interference – is, in fact, a cover for silencing dissent by the liberal orthodoxy. In response, it launched the Democracy Interference Observatory to counter what it sees as EU interference in elections taking place in sovereign European states. It has announced that its first test case will be April’s Hungarian elections, where it will target EU attempts to identify foreign interference and electoral malpractice. Truly independent? The battle lines have been drawn. Opposition candidate Péter Magyar has already warned of Russian interference in the forthcoming election and has urged a stronger EU response. Meanwhile, Magyar’s chief of staff, Márton Hajdu, has called for the application of the EU Digital Services Act to counter disinformation. The latest AI-generated political advert from Viktor Orbán’s party shows a father being executed by a soldier in what looks like German uniform because the EU has dragged Hungary into the war in Ukraine. Few MCC authors are mainstream academics, and most are referred to as “independent researchers”. The most prolific of these is the Italian journalist and author Thomas Fazi, who writes on EU propaganda and media manipulation. His report on Brussels’s Media Machine is a direct challenge to the EU consensus on disinformation and dissent, arguing that it closes down genuinely alternative voices. He says Brussels funding is used to bolster mainstream media narratives within the EU and, significantly, beyond its borders. His arguments mirror those used by the Trump administration to cut funding to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the United States Agency for Global Media. “The EU funds media outlets in Ukraine, the Western Balkans, the South Caucasus and Russian/Belarusian exile media. These efforts, under the guise of ‘supporting democracy’, often reflect geopolitical and strategic goals, mirroring methods associated with USAID-style influence campaigns,” he said. Fazi also pushes the MCC Brussels line in mainstream media outlets and is a regular contributor to the British publication UnHerd. Here he is last November on the European Democracy Shield: “[This] is just the latest vision in unfreedom: suppressing dissent and policing speech under the pretext of defending democracy from foreign interference and fake news.” EU commissioner for democracy, justice and the rule of law Michael McGrath told critics in the European parliament in November: “To those who question the Shield and who say it’s about censorship, what I say to you is that I and my colleagues in the European Commission will be the very first people to defend your right to level robust debate in a public forum.” The future Zalán Zubor of the Hungarian investigative non-for-profit publication Atlatszo, has been tracking the activities of MCC for several years. He said there was a common methodology to its work, where it identified freelance writers and paid them yearly grants to undertake unspecified research while writing specific articles adhering to the MCC line. He explained the forthcoming election was a high-stakes moment for the organisation as Magyar has pledged to set up an agency to prosecute groups that have been the beneficiaries of state largesse. “The MCC is going to be the target,” said Zubor. The future of MCC Brussels is unclear, but it is possible that it is part of the global strategy of the Hungarian far right in case Viktor Orbán loses the election. For Zubor, this would be an obvious next step for the Hungarian leader. “It is very clear he sees himself as an international figure, the Hungarian leader of the far right.” While a storm is coming for the MCC and its Brussels branch if Magyar wins the election, the same may be true for independent media if Fidesz returns to power in April. At present, Hungarian citizens can donate 1% of their taxes to civic society groups, including non-profit media organisations such as Atlatszo. The government recently withdrew proposals to make it illegal for these donations to be made to organisations judged “political”, which would have effectively bankrupted independent media. But if Fidesz wins, there is every possibility it will reintroduce the measure. Hungary and the British Right The Matthias Corvinus Collegium has funded right-wing propaganda in British universities and paid the salary of Reform politician Matthew Goodwin (left), according to investigations in the UK and Hungary. Legal campaigners Good Law Project revealed in February that the Roger Scruton Legacy Foundation (RSLF) has received almost $700,000 from MCC since 2023, amounting to 90% of its funding. Directors of the RSLF, set up in honour of the conservative philosopher, include Spectator editor and former Conservative Cabinet minister Michael Gove and Nigel Farage’s senior advisor James Orr. According to its founding documents the foundation is an “international network of institutions and scholars dedicated to furthering the philosophical and cultural achievements of the West”. In April 2023, the MCC signed a deal with Sophie Scruton, the widow of Sir Roger Scruton, to provide opportunities for Hungarian students at its “talent centre” to study at Oxford and Cambridge universities. RSLF has since organised conferences at both. Then, in June last year, the RSLF ran Now & England, a conference in Westminster, which brought together right-wing thinkers and politicians including Rupert Lowe, the Great Yarmouth MP who left Reform to set up his own party, Restore Britain, shortly afterwards and Conservative MP Danny Kruger, who defected to Reform in September 2025. Publicity for the event stated: “England stands at a crossroads. Mass immigration, detached elites, and decaying institutions have strained the country’s sense of identity and direction.” The connection between RSLF and Hungary was further reinforced when the country’s embassy hosted the Roger Scruton Symposium last October. Right-wing thinkers gathered to celebrate the legacy of the philosopher. They included Goodwin, who stood as the Reform candidate in the recent Gorton and Denton by-election in which he came second to the Green Party. Goodwin is a “visiting fellow” at the Matthias Corvinus Collegium and spoke at this year’s MCC Feszt, a festival of right-wing thought also addressed by Viktor Orbán and PayPal and Palantir co-founder Peter Thiel. According to leaked documents obtained by the Hungarian investigative reporting site Direkt 36, visiting fellows at MCC are paid between $6000 to $12,000 per month “plus housing, office space, health insurance and, where appropriate, family support”. The Direkt 36 investigation also revealed the vast sums the MCC spends on events, with $1.8 million laid out for catering alone. Many of these events take place in the Budapest café in the MCC’s Budapest headquarters. The name of the venue? Café Scruton. READ MORE
Global Free Speech

Portuguese politician Pedro Frazão speaks at the Battle for the Soul of Europe conference. Photo: mcc.hu This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world, published on 2 April 2026. Pedro Frazão is a Portuguese far-right politician who fancies himself as something of an orator. At the Battle for the Soul of Europe conference in Brussels last December, the youthful 50-year-old cut a dynamic and sharp-suited figure as he outlined his vision. He called for “patriots” across the continent to fight for its fragile, inherited freedoms. Without the courage to fight, he suggested, the whole edifice of Western civilisation could collapse. He ended with a flourish: “The West is here and being reborn.” Commenting on his YouTube channel immediately after the conference, Frazão refined his message: “Global elites buy media, hide truths and try to silence those who defend sovereignty, family and national identity. We cannot give in. It is up to us to protect the homeland, the borders and freedom. Portugal needs patriots who will not bow down.” The conference was organised by MCC Brussels, an offshoot of the Matthias Corvinus Collegium, a Hungarian institution with close links to the country’s prime minister, Viktor Orbán. Politico has described the MCC Brussels as “the EU’s most prominent hard-right pressure group”. Far-right revivalists such as Frazão claim they are fighting for key enlightenment values, including free speech, which they say are under threat from a tsunami of wokery, driven by European Union bureaucrats. Stars of the Far Right The line-up at the conference was a Who’s Who of the European far right, including the British academic Matthew Goodwin, who later announced he would be standing for Reform UK in the recent Gorton and Denton parliamentary by-election (which he lost). Goodwin told delegates there was “a political revolution under way”, which would destroy the traditional two-party system in the UK. “We will root out diversity, equality and inclusion policies or woke ideology from taxpayer-funded institutions,” he said, warning that a Reform government would look more like Donald Trump’s second administration in the USA than his first. Other speakers included Alice Cordier, the French anti-immigration activist and founder of the Collectif Némésis; Patrick Deneen, the prominent conservative author of Why Liberalism Failed; and the Polish Christian philosopher-politician Ryszard Legutko. The star turn at the Battle for the Soul of Europe was former Czech president Václav Klaus, a key dissident ally of Václav Havel during the Cold War who has tacked further and further to the right in recent years. MCC was founded in 1996 as a private higher-education institute by the conservative, anti-communist Tombor family and has grown into a hugely influential network of interlinked bodies. Combining the functions of a university, a youth movement and a think-tank, it has also developed a programme of political education under the banner of “talent development”. MCC Brussels is headed by the Hungarian-British academic Frank Furedi, emeritus professor of sociology at the University of Kent in the UK and a former leader of the Revolutionary Communist Party there. Furedi’s latest book, The War Against the Past: Why the West Must Fight for Its History, is a staunch defence of the legacy of Western values and history against attacks sustained during the culture wars. He sees his role, which he took up two years ago after a chance meeting with the Hungarian prime minister’s political director Balázs Orbán (no relation), as providing a counterbalance to European liberal orthodoxy. The links to the Fidesz government are explicit, with more than $1bn of government funds transferred to MCC at the beginning of the 2020s. Last year, the Brussels arm of the organisation received $6m from sources allied to Viktor Orbán, according to Politico. Balázs Orbán is its chairman. Media freedom In an interview with Index last year, Furedi said: “We are funded by two companies, the oil company MOL and Gedeon Richter, the pharmaceutical company. Now, you could argue that MCC Hungary [the orginal MCC] has got a close association with the government and it empathises with the government’s politics. Our particular organisation is entirely autonomous. That was the condition on which I took the job or set it up…” Furedi is a staunch supporter of the idea that there is media freedom in Hungary despite Fidesz and its allies owning 80% of media outlets, according to Reporters Without Borders. He also said: “I do think the attacks on Orbán’s government and Hungary over the free media are misconceived… You have a situation where there are TV channels in Hungary that are anti-government and have a very large viewership. You have a situation where the opposition has got a far greater presence on social media, on social media platforms, than the government has. [If] you go to Budapest and you go to newspaper shops, you’ll find that there are plenty of newspapers, not one, two or three, [that are] hostile and critical to government, so I don’t see it the way it’s represented.” Since it was established in 2022, MCC Brussels has pumped out a stream of anti-EU reports. In 2025 alone, the think-tank has published 11 substantial reports in an attempt to expose the supposed woke bias of the EU as it wages a war against the free speech of the silent majority. These include Mission Creeps: How EU Funding and Activist NGOs Captured the Gender Agenda, Brussels’s Media Machine: EU Media Funding and the Shaping of Public Discourse, Rule of Lawyers: How the ECHR is Hampering Action on Migration, and Indoctrinating Children: How Brussels Embeds Gender Identity in the Classroom. The ideological direction of travel is clear, but these reports are not the intemperate ravings of the traditional extreme right. These are detailed arguments honed over the years by the intellectual allies of Furedi as he made his way from the hard left to the populist right. Europe under threat? The consistent message at Battle for the Soul of Europe was this: European civilisation is under threat from the combined forces of mass immigration and political correctness. Free speech for people wishing to raise these issues is being stifled. Patriots of sovereign nations need to wake up and fight for the Christian values of the West and come to some kind of understanding with Russia. Just a week after the conference, Trump made it clear that his national security strategy’s Europe policy was based on precisely the same principles. Writing in Foreign Affairs earlier this year, Nick Cheeseman, Matias Bianchi and Jennifer Cyr identified the concept of The Illiberal International, which brings together far-right politicians to reshape the global order. They identified key gatherings of the far right such as the Make Europe Great Again rally in Madrid in February 2025, hosted by the right-wing party and MCC ally Patriots.EU. The annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), which met in Hungary in 2022, met again in Budapest on 21 March 2026 – just before parliamentary elections – with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu as the keynote speaker. These set-piece events provide a forum for what the Foreign Affairs authors describe as “narrative diffusion”. December’s Battle for the Soul of Europe was just such an event. The Illiberal International article describes this process brilliantly: “Attendees endorse each other in speeches, cultivate networks of contacts, and share ideas, building international connections that provide visibility and legitimacy for domestic movements. And because these events include both conventional conservative discourse and outright disinformation, they can blur the boundary between the two, making authoritarian messaging appear more palatable to mainstream audiences.” Viktor Orbán’s concept of “illiberal democracy” has often been cited as an inspiration for the Trump regime, and in recent months the ideological links between Budapest and Washington have become increasingly explicit. At the beginning of February, MCC welcomed an investigation by the USA’s House Judiciary Committee into alleged EU censorship. A statement from MCC Brussels claimed “internal communications from major technology platforms provides incontrovertible proof that the European Union’s regulatory framework is a ‘censorship operating system’ designed to systematically throttle free speech”. For some time, MCC Brussels has warned of an alliance between unelected EU institutions, tech companies and state-funded NGOs to stifle right-wing political speech. As far as the US committee and the European right are concerned, the EU’s Democracy Shield – an initiative launched in November 2025 by the EU Commission to target disinformation, fake news and foreign interference – is, in fact, a cover for silencing dissent by the liberal orthodoxy. In response, it launched the Democracy Interference Observatory to counter what it sees as EU interference in elections taking place in sovereign European states. It has announced that its first test case will be April’s Hungarian elections, where it will target EU attempts to identify foreign interference and electoral malpractice. Truly independent? The battle lines have been drawn. Opposition candidate Péter Magyar has already warned of Russian interference in the forthcoming election and has urged a stronger EU response. Meanwhile, Magyar’s chief of staff, Márton Hajdu, has called for the application of the EU Digital Services Act to counter disinformation. The latest AI-generated political advert from Viktor Orbán’s party shows a father being executed by a soldier in what looks like German uniform because the EU has dragged Hungary into the war in Ukraine. Few MCC authors are mainstream academics, and most are referred to as “independent researchers”. The most prolific of these is the Italian journalist and author Thomas Fazi, who writes on EU propaganda and media manipulation. His report on Brussels’s Media Machine is a direct challenge to the EU consensus on disinformation and dissent, arguing that it closes down genuinely alternative voices. He says Brussels funding is used to bolster mainstream media narratives within the EU and, significantly, beyond its borders. His arguments mirror those used by the Trump administration to cut funding to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the United States Agency for Global Media. “The EU funds media outlets in Ukraine, the Western Balkans, the South Caucasus and Russian/Belarusian exile media. These efforts, under the guise of ‘supporting democracy’, often reflect geopolitical and strategic goals, mirroring methods associated with USAID-style influence campaigns,” he said. Fazi also pushes the MCC Brussels line in mainstream media outlets and is a regular contributor to the British publication UnHerd. Here he is last November on the European Democracy Shield: “[This] is just the latest vision in unfreedom: suppressing dissent and policing speech under the pretext of defending democracy from foreign interference and fake news.” EU commissioner for democracy, justice and the rule of law Michael McGrath told critics in the European parliament in November: “To those who question the Shield and who say it’s about censorship, what I say to you is that I and my colleagues in the European Commission will be the very first people to defend your right to level robust debate in a public forum.” The future Zalán Zubor of the Hungarian investigative non-for-profit publication Atlatszo, has been tracking the activities of MCC for several years. He said there was a common methodology to its work, where it identified freelance writers and paid them yearly grants to undertake unspecified research while writing specific articles adhering to the MCC line. He explained the forthcoming election was a high-stakes moment for the organisation as Magyar has pledged to set up an agency to prosecute groups that have been the beneficiaries of state largesse. “The MCC is going to be the target,” said Zubor. The future of MCC Brussels is unclear, but it is possible that it is part of the global strategy of the Hungarian far right in case Viktor Orbán loses the election. For Zubor, this would be an obvious next step for the Hungarian leader. “It is very clear he sees himself as an international figure, the Hungarian leader of the far right.” While a storm is coming for the MCC and its Brussels branch if Magyar wins the election, the same may be true for independent media if Fidesz returns to power in April. At present, Hungarian citizens can donate 1% of their taxes to civic society groups, including non-profit media organisations such as Atlatszo. The government recently withdrew proposals to make it illegal for these donations to be made to organisations judged “political”, which would have effectively bankrupted independent media. But if Fidesz wins, there is every possibility it will reintroduce the measure. Hungary and the British Right The Matthias Corvinus Collegium has funded right-wing propaganda in British universities and paid the salary of Reform politician Matthew Goodwin (left), according to investigations in the UK and Hungary. Legal campaigners Good Law Project revealed in February that the Roger Scruton Legacy Foundation (RSLF) has received almost $700,000 from MCC since 2023, amounting to 90% of its funding. Directors of the RSLF, set up in honour of the conservative philosopher, include Spectator editor and former Conservative Cabinet minister Michael Gove and Nigel Farage’s senior advisor James Orr. According to its founding documents the foundation is an “international network of institutions and scholars dedicated to furthering the philosophical and cultural achievements of the West”. In April 2023, the MCC signed a deal with Sophie Scruton, the widow of Sir Roger Scruton, to provide opportunities for Hungarian students at its “talent centre” to study at Oxford and Cambridge universities. RSLF has since organised conferences at both. Then, in June last year, the RSLF ran Now & England, a conference in Westminster, which brought together right-wing thinkers and politicians including Rupert Lowe, the Great Yarmouth MP who left Reform to set up his own party, Restore Britain, shortly afterwards and Conservative MP Danny Kruger, who defected to Reform in September 2025. Publicity for the event stated: “England stands at a crossroads. Mass immigration, detached elites, and decaying institutions have strained the country’s sense of identity and direction.” The connection between RSLF and Hungary was further reinforced when the country’s embassy hosted the Roger Scruton Symposium last October. Right-wing thinkers gathered to celebrate the legacy of the philosopher. They included Goodwin, who stood as the Reform candidate in the recent Gorton and Denton by-election in which he came second to the Green Party. Goodwin is a “visiting fellow” at the Matthias Corvinus Collegium and spoke at this year’s MCC Feszt, a festival of right-wing thought also addressed by Viktor Orbán and PayPal and Palantir co-founder Peter Thiel. According to leaked documents obtained by the Hungarian investigative reporting site Direkt 36, visiting fellows at MCC are paid between $6000 to $12,000 per month “plus housing, office space, health insurance and, where appropriate, family support”. The Direkt 36 investigation also revealed the vast sums the MCC spends on events, with $1.8 million laid out for catering alone. Many of these events take place in the Budapest café in the MCC’s Budapest headquarters. The name of the venue? Café Scruton. READ MORE

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Portuguese politician Pedro Frazão speaks at the Battle for the Soul of Europe conference. Photo: mcc.hu

				
				
				
				
				This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world, published on 2 April 2026.
Pedro Frazão is a Portuguese far-right politician who fancies himself as something of an orator. At the Battle for the Soul of Europe conference in Brussels last December, the youthful 50-year-old cut a dynamic and sharp-suited figure as he outlined his vision. He called for “patriots” across the continent to fight for its fragile, inherited freedoms. Without the courage to fight, he suggested, the whole edifice of Western civilisation could collapse.
He ended with a flourish: “The West is here and being reborn.” Commenting on his YouTube channel immediately after the conference, Frazão refined his message: “Global elites buy media, hide truths and try to silence those who defend sovereignty, family and national identity. We cannot give in. It is up to us to protect the homeland, the borders and freedom. Portugal needs patriots who will not bow down.”
The conference was organised by MCC Brussels, an offshoot of the Matthias Corvinus Collegium, a Hungarian institution with close links to the country’s prime minister, Viktor Orbán. Politico has described the MCC Brussels as “the EU’s most prominent hard-right pressure group”. Far-right revivalists such as Frazão claim they are fighting for key enlightenment values, including free speech, which they say are under threat from a tsunami of wokery, driven by European Union bureaucrats.
Stars of the Far Right
The line-up at the conference was a Who’s Who of the European far right, including the British academic Matthew Goodwin, who later announced he would be standing for Reform UK in the recent Gorton and Denton parliamentary by-election (which he lost). Goodwin told delegates there was “a political revolution under way”, which would destroy the traditional two-party system in the UK. “We will root out diversity, equality and inclusion policies or woke ideology from taxpayer-funded institutions,” he said, warning that a Reform government would look more like Donald Trump’s second administration in the USA than his first.
Other speakers included Alice Cordier, the French anti-immigration activist and founder of the Collectif Némésis; Patrick Deneen, the prominent conservative author of Why Liberalism Failed; and the Polish Christian philosopher-politician Ryszard Legutko.
The star turn at the Battle for the Soul of Europe was former Czech president Václav Klaus, a key dissident ally of Václav Havel during the Cold War who has tacked further and further to the right in recent years.
MCC was founded in 1996 as a private higher-education institute by the conservative, anti-communist Tombor family and has grown into a hugely influential network of interlinked bodies. Combining the functions of a university, a youth movement and a think-tank, it has also developed a programme of political education under the banner of “talent development”.
MCC Brussels is headed by the Hungarian-British academic Frank Furedi, emeritus professor of sociology at the University of Kent in the UK and a former leader of the Revolutionary Communist Party there. Furedi’s latest book, The War Against the Past: Why the West Must Fight for Its History, is a staunch defence of the legacy of Western values and history against attacks sustained during the culture wars. He sees his role, which he took up two years ago after a chance meeting with the Hungarian prime minister’s political director Balázs Orbán (no relation), as providing a counterbalance to European liberal orthodoxy.
The links to the Fidesz government are explicit, with more than bn of government funds transferred to MCC at the beginning of the 2020s.
Last year, the Brussels arm of the organisation received m from sources allied to Viktor Orbán, according to Politico. Balázs Orbán is its chairman.
Media freedom
In an interview with Index last year, Furedi said: “We are funded by two companies, the oil company MOL and Gedeon Richter, the pharmaceutical company. Now, you could argue that MCC Hungary [the orginal MCC] has got a close association with the government and it empathises with the government’s politics. Our particular organisation is entirely autonomous. That was the condition on which I took the job or set it up…”
Furedi is a staunch supporter of the idea that there is media freedom in Hungary despite Fidesz and its allies owning 80% of media outlets, according to Reporters Without Borders.
He also said: “I do think the attacks on Orbán’s government and Hungary over the free media are misconceived… You have a situation where there are TV channels in Hungary that are anti-government and have a very large viewership. You have a situation where the opposition has got a far greater presence on social media, on social media platforms, than the government has. [If] you go to Budapest and you go to newspaper shops, you’ll find that there are plenty of newspapers, not one, two or three, [that are] hostile and critical to government, so I don’t see it the way it’s represented.”
Since it was established in 2022, MCC Brussels has pumped out a stream of anti-EU reports. In 2025 alone, the think-tank has published 11 substantial reports in an attempt to expose the supposed woke bias of the EU as it wages a war against the free speech of the silent majority. These include Mission Creeps: How EU Funding and Activist NGOs Captured the Gender Agenda, Brussels’s Media Machine: EU Media Funding and the Shaping of Public Discourse, Rule of Lawyers: How the ECHR is Hampering Action on Migration, and Indoctrinating Children: How Brussels Embeds Gender Identity in the Classroom.
The ideological direction of travel is clear, but these reports are not the intemperate ravings of the traditional extreme right. These are detailed arguments honed over the years by the intellectual allies of Furedi as he made his way from the hard left to the populist right.
Europe under threat?
The consistent message at Battle for the Soul of Europe was this: European civilisation is under threat from the combined forces of mass immigration and political correctness. Free speech for people wishing to raise these issues is being stifled. Patriots of sovereign nations need to wake up and fight for the Christian values of the West and come to some kind of understanding with Russia. Just a week after the conference, Trump made it clear that his national security strategy’s Europe policy was based on precisely the same principles.
Writing in Foreign Affairs earlier this year, Nick Cheeseman, Matias Bianchi and Jennifer Cyr identified the concept of The Illiberal International, which brings together far-right politicians to reshape the global order. They identified key gatherings of the far right such as the Make Europe Great Again rally in Madrid in February 2025, hosted by the right-wing party and MCC ally Patriots.EU. The annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), which met in Hungary in 2022, met again in Budapest on 21 March 2026 – just before parliamentary elections – with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu as the keynote speaker. These set-piece events provide a forum for what the Foreign Affairs authors describe as “narrative diffusion”.
December’s Battle for the Soul of Europe was just such an event. The Illiberal International article describes this process brilliantly: “Attendees endorse each other in speeches, cultivate networks of contacts, and share ideas, building international connections that provide visibility and legitimacy for domestic movements. And because these events include both conventional conservative discourse and outright disinformation, they can blur the boundary between the two, making authoritarian messaging appear more palatable to mainstream audiences.”
Viktor Orbán’s concept of “illiberal democracy” has often been cited as an inspiration for the Trump regime, and in recent months the ideological links between Budapest and Washington have become increasingly explicit. At the beginning of February, MCC welcomed an investigation by the USA’s House Judiciary Committee into alleged EU censorship. A statement from MCC Brussels claimed “internal communications from major technology platforms provides incontrovertible proof that the European Union’s regulatory framework is a ‘censorship operating system’ designed to systematically throttle free speech”.
For some time, MCC Brussels has warned of an alliance between unelected EU institutions, tech companies and state-funded NGOs to stifle right-wing political speech. As far as the US committee and the European right are concerned, the EU’s Democracy Shield – an initiative launched in November 2025 by the EU Commission to target disinformation, fake news and foreign interference – is, in fact, a cover for silencing dissent by the liberal orthodoxy.
In response, it launched the Democracy Interference Observatory to counter what it sees as EU interference in elections taking place in sovereign European states. It has announced that its first test case will be April’s Hungarian elections, where it will target EU attempts to identify foreign interference and electoral malpractice.
Truly independent?
The battle lines have been drawn. Opposition candidate Péter Magyar has already warned of Russian interference in the forthcoming election and has urged a stronger EU response. Meanwhile, Magyar’s chief of staff, Márton Hajdu, has called for the application of the EU Digital Services Act to counter disinformation. The latest AI-generated political advert from Viktor Orbán’s party shows a father being executed by a soldier in what looks like German uniform because the EU has dragged Hungary into the war in Ukraine.
Few MCC authors are mainstream academics, and most are referred to as “independent researchers”. The most prolific of these is the Italian journalist and author Thomas Fazi, who writes on EU propaganda and media manipulation. His report on Brussels’s Media Machine is a direct challenge to the EU consensus on disinformation and dissent, arguing that it closes down genuinely alternative voices. He says Brussels funding is used to bolster mainstream media narratives within the EU and, significantly, beyond its borders. His arguments mirror those used by the Trump administration to cut funding to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the United States Agency for Global Media.
“The EU funds media outlets in Ukraine, the Western Balkans, the South Caucasus and Russian/Belarusian exile media. These efforts, under the guise of ‘supporting democracy’, often reflect geopolitical and strategic goals, mirroring methods associated with USAID-style influence campaigns,” he said. Fazi also pushes the MCC Brussels line in mainstream media outlets and is a regular contributor to the British publication UnHerd. Here he is last November on the European Democracy Shield: “[This] is just the latest vision in unfreedom: suppressing dissent and policing speech under the pretext of defending democracy from foreign interference and fake news.”
EU commissioner for democracy, justice and the rule of law Michael McGrath told critics in the European parliament in November: “To those who question the Shield and who say it’s about censorship, what I say to you is that I and my colleagues in the European Commission will be the very first people to defend your right to level robust debate in a public forum.”
The future
Zalán Zubor of the Hungarian investigative non-for-profit publication Atlatszo, has been tracking the activities of MCC for several years. He said there was a common methodology to its work, where it identified freelance writers and paid them yearly grants to undertake unspecified research while writing specific articles adhering to the MCC line.
He explained the forthcoming election was a high-stakes moment for the organisation as Magyar has pledged to set up an agency to prosecute groups that have been the beneficiaries of state largesse. “The MCC is going to be the target,” said Zubor.
The future of MCC Brussels is unclear, but it is possible that it is part of the global strategy of the Hungarian far right in case Viktor Orbán loses the election. For Zubor, this would be an obvious next step for the Hungarian leader. “It is very clear he sees himself as an international figure, the Hungarian leader of the far right.”
While a storm is coming for the MCC and its Brussels branch if Magyar wins the election, the same may be true for independent media if Fidesz returns to power in April. At present, Hungarian citizens can donate 1% of their taxes to civic society groups, including non-profit media organisations such as Atlatszo. The government recently withdrew proposals to make it illegal for these donations to be made to organisations judged “political”, which would have effectively bankrupted independent media. But if Fidesz wins, there is every possibility it will reintroduce the measure.

Hungary and the British Right
The Matthias Corvinus Collegium has funded right-wing propaganda in British universities and paid the salary of Reform politician Matthew Goodwin (left), according to investigations in the UK and Hungary.
Legal campaigners Good Law Project revealed in February that the Roger Scruton Legacy Foundation (RSLF) has received almost 0,000 from MCC since 2023, amounting to 90% of its funding. Directors of the RSLF, set up in honour of the conservative philosopher, include Spectator editor and former Conservative Cabinet minister Michael Gove and Nigel Farage’s senior advisor James Orr. According to its founding documents the foundation is an “international network of institutions and scholars dedicated to furthering the philosophical and cultural achievements of the West”. 
In April 2023, the MCC signed a deal with Sophie Scruton, the widow of Sir Roger Scruton, to provide opportunities for Hungarian students at its “talent centre” to study at Oxford and Cambridge universities. RSLF has since organised conferences at both.
Then, in June last year, the RSLF ran Now & England, a conference in Westminster, which brought together right-wing thinkers and politicians including Rupert Lowe, the Great Yarmouth MP who left Reform to set up his own party, Restore Britain, shortly afterwards and Conservative MP Danny Kruger, who defected to Reform in September 2025. Publicity for the event stated: “England stands at a crossroads. Mass immigration, detached elites, and decaying institutions have strained the country’s sense of identity and direction.”
The connection between RSLF and Hungary was further reinforced when the country’s embassy hosted the Roger Scruton Symposium last October. Right-wing thinkers gathered to celebrate the legacy of the philosopher. They included Goodwin, who stood as the Reform candidate in the recent Gorton and Denton by-election in which he came second to the Green Party.
Goodwin is a “visiting fellow” at the Matthias Corvinus Collegium and spoke at this year’s MCC Feszt, a festival of right-wing thought also addressed by Viktor Orbán and PayPal and Palantir co-founder Peter Thiel. According to leaked documents obtained by the Hungarian investigative reporting site Direkt 36, visiting fellows at MCC are paid between 00 to ,000 per month “plus housing, office space, health insurance and, where appropriate, family support”. The Direkt 36 investigation also revealed the vast sums the MCC spends on events, with .8 million laid out for catering alone. Many of these events take place in the Budapest café in the MCC’s Budapest headquarters. The name of the venue? Café Scruton.

			
			
					
				
				
				
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This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world, published on 2 April 2026.

Pedro Frazão is a Portuguese far-right politician who fancies himself as something of an orator. At the Battle for the Soul of Europe conference in Brussels last December, the youthful 50-year-old cut a dynamic and sharp-suited figure as he outlined his vision. He called for “patriots” across the continent to fight for its fragile, inherited freedoms. Without the courage to fight, he suggested, the whole edifice of Western civilisation could collapse.

He ended with a flourish: “The West is here and being reborn.” Commenting on his YouTube channel immediately after the conference, Frazão refined his message: “Global elites buy media, hide truths and try to silence those who defend sovereignty, family and national identity. We cannot give in. It is up to us to protect the homeland, the borders and freedom. Portugal needs patriots who will not bow down.”

The conference was organised by MCC Brussels, an offshoot of the Matthias Corvinus Collegium, a Hungarian institution with close links to the country’s prime minister, Viktor Orbán. Politico has described the MCC Brussels as “the EU’s most prominent hard-right pressure group”. Far-right revivalists such as Frazão claim they are fighting for key enlightenment values, including free speech, which they say are under threat from a tsunami of wokery, driven by European Union bureaucrats.

Stars of the Far Right

The line-up at the conference was a Who’s Who of the European far right, including the British academic Matthew Goodwin, who later announced he would be standing for Reform UK in the recent Gorton and Denton parliamentary by-election (which he lost). Goodwin told delegates there was “a political revolution under way”, which would destroy the traditional two-party system in the UK. “We will root out diversity, equality and inclusion policies or woke ideology from taxpayer-funded institutions,” he said, warning that a Reform government would look more like Donald Trump’s second administration in the USA than his first.

Other speakers included Alice Cordier, the French anti-immigration activist and founder of the Collectif Némésis; Patrick Deneen, the prominent conservative author of Why Liberalism Failed; and the Polish Christian philosopher-politician Ryszard Legutko.

The star turn at the Battle for the Soul of Europe was former Czech president Václav Klaus, a key dissident ally of Václav Havel during the Cold War who has tacked further and further to the right in recent years.

MCC was founded in 1996 as a private higher-education institute by the conservative, anti-communist Tombor family and has grown into a hugely influential network of interlinked bodies. Combining the functions of a university, a youth movement and a think-tank, it has also developed a programme of political education under the banner of “talent development”.

MCC Brussels is headed by the Hungarian-British academic Frank Furedi, emeritus professor of sociology at the University of Kent in the UK and a former leader of the Revolutionary Communist Party there. Furedi’s latest book, The War Against the Past: Why the West Must Fight for Its History, is a staunch defence of the legacy of Western values and history against attacks sustained during the culture wars. He sees his role, which he took up two years ago after a chance meeting with the Hungarian prime minister’s political director Balázs Orbán (no relation), as providing a counterbalance to European liberal orthodoxy.

The links to the Fidesz government are explicit, with more than $1bn of government funds transferred to MCC at the beginning of the 2020s.

Last year, the Brussels arm of the organisation received $6m from sources allied to Viktor Orbán, according to Politico. Balázs Orbán is its chairman.

Media freedom

In an interview with Index last year, Furedi said: “We are funded by two companies, the oil company MOL and Gedeon Richter, the pharmaceutical company. Now, you could argue that MCC Hungary [the orginal MCC] has got a close association with the government and it empathises with the government’s politics. Our particular organisation is entirely autonomous. That was the condition on which I took the job or set it up…”

Furedi is a staunch supporter of the idea that there is media freedom in Hungary despite Fidesz and its allies owning 80% of media outlets, according to Reporters Without Borders.

He also said: “I do think the attacks on Orbán’s government and Hungary over the free media are misconceived… You have a situation where there are TV channels in Hungary that are anti-government and have a very large viewership. You have a situation where the opposition has got a far greater presence on social media, on social media platforms, than the government has. [If] you go to Budapest and you go to newspaper shops, you’ll find that there are plenty of newspapers, not one, two or three, [that are] hostile and critical to government, so I don’t see it the way it’s represented.”

Since it was established in 2022, MCC Brussels has pumped out a stream of anti-EU reports. In 2025 alone, the think-tank has published 11 substantial reports in an attempt to expose the supposed woke bias of the EU as it wages a war against the free speech of the silent majority. These include Mission Creeps: How EU Funding and Activist NGOs Captured the Gender Agenda, Brussels’s Media Machine: EU Media Funding and the Shaping of Public Discourse, Rule of Lawyers: How the ECHR is Hampering Action on Migration, and Indoctrinating Children: How Brussels Embeds Gender Identity in the Classroom.

The ideological direction of travel is clear, but these reports are not the intemperate ravings of the traditional extreme right. These are detailed arguments honed over the years by the intellectual allies of Furedi as he made his way from the hard left to the populist right.

Europe under threat?

The consistent message at Battle for the Soul of Europe was this: European civilisation is under threat from the combined forces of mass immigration and political correctness. Free speech for people wishing to raise these issues is being stifled. Patriots of sovereign nations need to wake up and fight for the Christian values of the West and come to some kind of understanding with Russia. Just a week after the conference, Trump made it clear that his national security strategy’s Europe policy was based on precisely the same principles.

Writing in Foreign Affairs earlier this year, Nick Cheeseman, Matias Bianchi and Jennifer Cyr identified the concept of The Illiberal International, which brings together far-right politicians to reshape the global order. They identified key gatherings of the far right such as the Make Europe Great Again rally in Madrid in February 2025, hosted by the right-wing party and MCC ally Patriots.EU. The annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), which met in Hungary in 2022, met again in Budapest on 21 March 2026 – just before parliamentary elections – with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu as the keynote speaker. These set-piece events provide a forum for what the Foreign Affairs authors describe as “narrative diffusion”.

December’s Battle for the Soul of Europe was just such an event. The Illiberal International article describes this process brilliantly: “Attendees endorse each other in speeches, cultivate networks of contacts, and share ideas, building international connections that provide visibility and legitimacy for domestic movements. And because these events include both conventional conservative discourse and outright disinformation, they can blur the boundary between the two, making authoritarian messaging appear more palatable to mainstream audiences.”

Viktor Orbán’s concept of “illiberal democracy” has often been cited as an inspiration for the Trump regime, and in recent months the ideological links between Budapest and Washington have become increasingly explicit. At the beginning of February, MCC welcomed an investigation by the USA’s House Judiciary Committee into alleged EU censorship. A statement from MCC Brussels claimed “internal communications from major technology platforms provides incontrovertible proof that the European Union’s regulatory framework is a ‘censorship operating system’ designed to systematically throttle free speech”.

For some time, MCC Brussels has warned of an alliance between unelected EU institutions, tech companies and state-funded NGOs to stifle right-wing political speech. As far as the US committee and the European right are concerned, the EU’s Democracy Shield – an initiative launched in November 2025 by the EU Commission to target disinformation, fake news and foreign interference – is, in fact, a cover for silencing dissent by the liberal orthodoxy.

In response, it launched the Democracy Interference Observatory to counter what it sees as EU interference in elections taking place in sovereign European states. It has announced that its first test case will be April’s Hungarian elections, where it will target EU attempts to identify foreign interference and electoral malpractice.

Truly independent?

The battle lines have been drawn. Opposition candidate Péter Magyar has already warned of Russian interference in the forthcoming election and has urged a stronger EU response. Meanwhile, Magyar’s chief of staff, Márton Hajdu, has called for the application of the EU Digital Services Act to counter disinformation. The latest AI-generated political advert from Viktor Orbán’s party shows a father being executed by a soldier in what looks like German uniform because the EU has dragged Hungary into the war in Ukraine.

Few MCC authors are mainstream academics, and most are referred to as “independent researchers”. The most prolific of these is the Italian journalist and author Thomas Fazi, who writes on EU propaganda and media manipulation. His report on Brussels’s Media Machine is a direct challenge to the EU consensus on disinformation and dissent, arguing that it closes down genuinely alternative voices. He says Brussels funding is used to bolster mainstream media narratives within the EU and, significantly, beyond its borders. His arguments mirror those used by the Trump administration to cut funding to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the United States Agency for Global Media.

“The EU funds media outlets in Ukraine, the Western Balkans, the South Caucasus and Russian/Belarusian exile media. These efforts, under the guise of ‘supporting democracy’, often reflect geopolitical and strategic goals, mirroring methods associated with USAID-style influence campaigns,” he said. Fazi also pushes the MCC Brussels line in mainstream media outlets and is a regular contributor to the British publication UnHerd. Here he is last November on the European Democracy Shield: “[This] is just the latest vision in unfreedom: suppressing dissent and policing speech under the pretext of defending democracy from foreign interference and fake news.”

EU commissioner for democracy, justice and the rule of law Michael McGrath told critics in the European parliament in November: “To those who question the Shield and who say it’s about censorship, what I say to you is that I and my colleagues in the European Commission will be the very first people to defend your right to level robust debate in a public forum.”

The future

Zalán Zubor of the Hungarian investigative non-for-profit publication Atlatszo, has been tracking the activities of MCC for several years. He said there was a common methodology to its work, where it identified freelance writers and paid them yearly grants to undertake unspecified research while writing specific articles adhering to the MCC line.

He explained the forthcoming election was a high-stakes moment for the organisation as Magyar has pledged to set up an agency to prosecute groups that have been the beneficiaries of state largesse. “The MCC is going to be the target,” said Zubor.

The future of MCC Brussels is unclear, but it is possible that it is part of the global strategy of the Hungarian far right in case Viktor Orbán loses the election. For Zubor, this would be an obvious next step for the Hungarian leader. “It is very clear he sees himself as an international figure, the Hungarian leader of the far right.”

While a storm is coming for the MCC and its Brussels branch if Magyar wins the election, the same may be true for independent media if Fidesz returns to power in April. At present, Hungarian citizens can donate 1% of their taxes to civic society groups, including non-profit media organisations such as Atlatszo. The government recently withdrew proposals to make it illegal for these donations to be made to organisations judged “political”, which would have effectively bankrupted independent media. But if Fidesz wins, there is every possibility it will reintroduce the measure.

Hungary and the British Right

The Matthias Corvinus Collegium has funded right-wing propaganda in British universities and paid the salary of Reform politician Matthew Goodwin (left), according to investigations in the UK and Hungary.

Legal campaigners Good Law Project revealed in February that the Roger Scruton Legacy Foundation (RSLF) has received almost $700,000 from MCC since 2023, amounting to 90% of its funding. Directors of the RSLF, set up in honour of the conservative philosopher, include Spectator editor and former Conservative Cabinet minister Michael Gove and Nigel Farage’s senior advisor James Orr. According to its founding documents the foundation is an “international network of institutions and scholars dedicated to furthering the philosophical and cultural achievements of the West”.

In April 2023, the MCC signed a deal with Sophie Scruton, the widow of Sir Roger Scruton, to provide opportunities for Hungarian students at its “talent centre” to study at Oxford and Cambridge universities. RSLF has since organised conferences at both.

Then, in June last year, the RSLF ran Now & England, a conference in Westminster, which brought together right-wing thinkers and politicians including Rupert Lowe, the Great Yarmouth MP who left Reform to set up his own party, Restore Britain, shortly afterwards and Conservative MP Danny Kruger, who defected to Reform in September 2025. Publicity for the event stated: “England stands at a crossroads. Mass immigration, detached elites, and decaying institutions have strained the country’s sense of identity and direction.”

The connection between RSLF and Hungary was further reinforced when the country’s embassy hosted the Roger Scruton Symposium last October. Right-wing thinkers gathered to celebrate the legacy of the philosopher. They included Goodwin, who stood as the Reform candidate in the recent Gorton and Denton by-election in which he came second to the Green Party.

Goodwin is a “visiting fellow” at the Matthias Corvinus Collegium and spoke at this year’s MCC Feszt, a festival of right-wing thought also addressed by Viktor Orbán and PayPal and Palantir co-founder Peter Thiel. According to leaked documents obtained by the Hungarian investigative reporting site Direkt 36, visiting fellows at MCC are paid between $6000 to $12,000 per month “plus housing, office space, health insurance and, where appropriate, family support”. The Direkt 36 investigation also revealed the vast sums the MCC spends on events, with $1.8 million laid out for catering alone. Many of these events take place in the Budapest café in the MCC’s Budapest headquarters. The name of the venue? Café Scruton.

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While the landscape has long been hostile for LGBTQ+ people in Hungary, the use of wrappers stems from a government regulation implementing a law introduced in 2021, ostensibly to protect children. In practice, the regulation conflates paedophilia with depictions of LGBTQ+ lives and was soon dubbed the anti-LGBTQ+ law. Another provision of the regulation says bookshops within 200 metres of churches and schools are banned from selling any books which portray LGBTQ+ identities. In small towns, navigating this is almost impossible. Grammatical pedantry wins Hungary has two major publishing house and bookshop chains and they have both fallen foul of the law. One is Líra, the other is Libri. Líra received a fine of $37,200 and two additional fines, while the much larger Libri received a fine of only $3,100. Earlier in 2023 Libri was taken over by the Matthias Corvinus Collegium, a foundation with close links to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. Following the takeover, Libri stepped into line over the plastic wrapping directive. “There was a big question mark [over] whether Líra should challenge these decisions. But I think they made a very brave decision, and they said that they wanted to challenge [them],” Lendvai said. They won all three cases at the first instance through pure and simple grammatical pedantry. “We were about to write the petition and then an editor at the book publishing company said, ‘Well, it seems to be that a comma is missing,’” Lendvai explained. He said that the wording suggested books aimed at children with LGBTQ+ themes must be placed into sealed packaging if they were distributed separately, while the government had interpreted it to mean books must be in closed packaging and also separated. Líra neither packaged nor separated its books. As a business, arguing about a point of grammar felt much safer as the first line of argument than challenging the wider issues at stake. Líra continued to sell their books without wrappers. The law, it felt, was on its side. It also launched its Unsealed Books campaign, using audiobooks read by contemporary authors, actors and public intellectuals to give free access to titles. Two of the court decisions became final, but its ruling on the $37,200 fine was quashed by the Supreme Court. In that hearing, Lendvai tried to read out a passage from a contemporary book about a young LGBTQ+ man being welcomed by a Christian community to demonstrate why it should not be banned from sale near churches. “The chairwoman of the panel of the tribunal banned me from reading that passage and she said that this is not about books and it’s not about free speech,” he said. The law was amended, the misplaced comma was fixed. More changes meant that only books with decisive LGBTQ+ themes had to be wrapped, meaning fewer books may be affected by the law. Publishers would also have to alert bookshops when their titles fell under the provision. Líra has since filed a claim with the European Court of Human Rights, which is pending. Challenged by Europe The general law on LGBTQ+ content (which also bans such content from primetime TV and schools) has been challenged by the European Commission. Tamara Ćapeta, the advocate general at the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), has said that it violates EU law. [On 21 April 2026, the Court of Justice of the European Union ordered Hungary to scrap the legislation.] Tamás Dombos of the Háttér Society – Hungary’s largest LGBTQ+ civil society organisation – said the law could be understood only in the country’s broader context of how it deals with LGBTQ+ identities. This includes a media campaign smearing LGBTQ+ people and organisations, a recent ban on LGBTQ+ gatherings, the banning of legal gender recognition for transgender people, and the restriction of adoption rights for unmarried couples. “The political message of the government is very clear: LGBTQI people are second-class citizens who do not deserve the same level of protection, and the discussion of LGBTQ+ topics in the public sphere is harmful for children,” he said. Organisations bound by legislation, he said, implemented the bans in a broad way. They don’t include same-sex couples in adverts and don’t publish books with these themes. Some take these actions because they fear being targeted by anti-LGBTQ+ campaigns and some bookshops now avoid stocking books with LGBTQ+ themes altogether. In October 2025, Hungary had its first known Banned Books Week event, where among other things students could explore an exhibition about the history of book censorship in Hungary. Gergely Gosztonyi, the head of the Digital Authoritarianism Research Lab at Eötvös Loránd University, took a lead role in the event. We asked Gosztonyi whether any of the books featured in the exhibition were titles currently being challenged in Hungary. “We came to the conclusion that we didn’t want the pilot to be very political,” he said. “We had so many books in Hungarian history that have been banned, that it was easy to pick different ones.” He is well aware of the self-censorship, and the irony. At the same time, this was a pilot project, and he didn’t want it to be the last. A fairytale ending? In 2020, A Fairytale for Everyone, edited by Boldizsár M Nagy, was the unlucky star of a very unusual press conference. Dóra Dúró, a politician from the Our Homeland Movement party, called journalists together, walked out onto the podium and shredded the book. Dorottya Rédai is executive director of Labrisz Lesbian Association, an NGO based in Budapest which raises awareness of discrimination against sexual minority women. She was also the project co-ordinator for A Fairytale for Everyone which featured our cover illustrator Lilla Bölecz. Labrisz had the idea about creating a fairytale book from a feminist perspective on the back of their education programme. Some of the stories in the book would be reworked classics and others original, with half written by established writers and the rest by emerging voices. They put out a call for the unknown writers, which Rédai said was noticed by the far right and the government. A national television show, which Rédai described as propaganda, invited her to talk about the book. “People from the community were congratulating me for days for coming out alive from the lion’s den,” Rédai told Index. Dúró’s book shredding was not the only political attack on the book. Orbán told a radio show that the LGBTQ+ community should “leave our children alone” and the book’s publisher was ordered to print disclaimers that the stories contained “behaviour inconsistent with traditional gender roles”. Booksellers were attacked for stocking it, Rédai said, adding that fascist groups put stickers on shop windows in an echo of the Nazi practice of intimidating Jewish shops. Community members rallied round, taking flowers and chocolates to the impacted shops to show their support. With all the attention, the book ended up being a bestseller. Foreign publishers picked it up and international media followed the story. “The book became a symbol of democracy and resistance against the Orbán regime,” Rédai said. “We figured out from this story that cultural resistance is very, very important.” Books are just the start It’s not just books that are under threat. Other artistic endeavours are being censored, too. In 2023, one particular story hit the international headlines. At the World Press Photo exhibition at the National Museum in Budapest, a complaint was filed over a set of photographs spotlighting a care home for elderly LGBTQ+ people in the Philippines. A notice was placed at the entrance to the museum, saying under-18s were not allowed. Museum director Laszlo Simon, a former member of the Fidesz government, was later ousted, with the government claiming he had failed to follow his legal obligations. Soon afterwards, at the National Museum of Ethnography, a small selection of photos documenting a gay couple in 1960s Brazil were hidden from view. A black cordon was strung around the section, with a woman blocking the entrance and asking everyone if they were over 18. “Two people challenged this ban,” Dombos said. “One was an underage person, and she was not let in. And then another person – that was me – said that cordoning off such content is a form of harassment against LGBTQI people.” They both recently lost their cases, although Dombos aims to take his to Strasbourg. Gideon Horváth’s sculpture which pays tribute to unfulfilled non-heteronormative love. Photo: Gideon Horváth Gideon Horváth, a Hungarian-French visual artist who often creates sculptures from beeswax, explores queer theories, subcultures and histories as part of his work. He told Index about the times he has faced censorship. In 2023 he was part of an open-air exhibition, using the term “queer ecology”. “The organiser of the exhibition first accepted it, and then she wrote to me and told me that she was informed that it would be wise regarding the political climate to not use the word ‘queer,’” he said. It was the first time he had experienced anything like this, and he said he had to put his foot down. The organiser then agreed to keep the wording, although Horváth said he saw an email from above saying it should not be allowed. A sculpture for Sidewalk the first Budapest Biennale of Contemporary Public Art labelled as “a memorial for unfulfilled, non-heteronormative loves” was allowed, he said, because the programme was organised by Budapest Gallery, which is under the municipal control of the capital’s liberal mayor. But in another municipal gallery in the capital, where he was invited to exhibit his piece from the park, he was asked to delete a number of words from the accompanying plaque with the excuse that the gallery welcomed children. He believes they were afraid of the consequences if they got it wrong. He refused to delete the words, suggesting they should be blacked out so that the self-censorship was visible. When he was shortlisted for the Esterházy Art Award in 2023, he was told by the Ludwig Museum (which falls directly under the Ministry of Culture) that the sculpture would need to be hidden and roped off. He won the battle over his work being visible but did not win the war of words. “I fought as hard as I could, but my only [other] option would have been to step out of the competition altogether,” he said. He did not want to become known as the censored gay artist from Hungary and told the museum he would not be making any changes, saying “If you change the text that’s on you”. “The curator changed it, and I was really ashamed of it all,” he said. He was announced as one of three winners of the award, a decision which he still cannot make sense of. “What I’ve seen is that institutions don’t necessarily wait for an authority to step in and tell them they can’t do something. They immediately self-censor before even having any threats,” he said. And so they go further than the law requires. The result is an erasure of LGBTQ+ voices and stories, which is likely the entire point. READ MORE

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