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Home»News»Media & Culture»Tom Homan: If Democrats Don’t Stop Calling Us Murderers, We’re Just Going To Be Forced To Keep Murdering You
Media & Culture

Tom Homan: If Democrats Don’t Stop Calling Us Murderers, We’re Just Going To Be Forced To Keep Murdering You

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Tom Homan: If Democrats Don’t Stop Calling Us Murderers, We’re Just Going To Be Forced To Keep Murdering You
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from the the-abuser’s-lament dept

The murder of Renee Nicole Good by ICE officer Jonathan Ross has certainly created quite the divide between the reality-based majority of the population who doesn’t want masked unaccountable federal law enforcement goons invading cities they have no business being in and shooting people for saying “dude, I’m not mad at you” and trying to drive away… and the fantasy-land MAGA folks who are bending over backwards to justify the murder.

Late last week the video from Ross’s phone was released (why Ross was filming Good is a whole separate issue, but shows how Homeland Security is much more focused on producing memes, not doing actual law enforcement), which MAGA cultists pretended exonerated Ross. It did no such thing. It made him look way, way worse.

He deliberately placed himself in front of the vehicle. He walked around the car filming Good and her partner. As can be clearly seen in the video, Good turned steering wheel of her car all the way to the right such that the car was not heading towards Ross and could not hit him. And he shot her three times anyway, once through the windshield and twice through the open driver-side window. Even if you could (and you can’t) argue the first should was potentially justified if he thought the car was coming towards him, the fact that he easily stepped aside and then continued firing shows that it was not justified at all.

And, of course, his first words after murdering a woman in broad daylight in the middle of the street was: “fucking bitch.”

So her last words: “Dude, I’m not mad at you.” His first words after murdering her: “fucking bitch.”

And then, of course, there’s what was discussed last week: how the MAGA faithful immediately began lying and claiming she was a “domestic terrorist” with multiple people trying to twist the story to claim she somehow “deserved” this.

One of the leaders of the goons, “border czar” Tom Homan, (who appears to have gotten away with taking $50,000 in a paper bag from federal officials pretending to be business owners seeking favors from Donald Trump) went on Meet the Press on Sunday and talked about how Democrats need to stop calling ICE murderers or they’ll have no choice but to murder again:

Homan: “We gotta stop the hateful rhetoric. Saying this officer is a murderer is dangerous. It’s just ridiculous. It’s gonna infuriate people more which means there’s gonna be more incidents like this.”

— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar.com) 2026-01-11T14:52:54.795Z

The transcript is as ridiculous as it is chilling:

We gotta stop the hateful rhetoric. Saying this officer is a murderer is dangerous. It’s just ridiculous. It’s gonna infuriate people more which means there’s gonna be more incidents like this, because the hateful rhetoric is not only continuing, it’s gonna be double down or triple down.

It’s the classic abuser’s lament: if you didn’t want me to hit you, why were you so mean to me.

First of all, the ones ramping up the “hateful rhetoric” have been the MAGA faithful. They’re the ones spreading baseless conspiracy theories, insisting that Good was a “domestic terrorist” or a “paid agitator.” This is the same thing Homan, Gregory Bongino, Stephen Miller, Kristi Noem, and Donald Trump have been doing for months, encouraging ICE to see the public as enemies to be fought, not a public they are supposed to be protecting.

Second, if federal agents are so fragile that people calling them names means they’re going to murder people, they shouldn’t be federal agents at all. They shouldn’t be allowed to handle firearms, frankly.

This is textbook authoritarian blame-shifting: create the conditions for violence through dehumanizing rhetoric, then blame the victims when violence inevitably occurs. And it’s not just Homan. The entire MAGA ecosystem is working overtime to justify this murder and preemptively excuse the next one.

Case in point: Fox News columnist Dave Marcus, who wrote this weekend that “wine moms” protesting ICE’s occupations, invasions, and law breaking is somehow a criminal conspiracy of “wine moms.”

Say what?

Marcus’s piece is transparently absurd—he’s claiming that citizens exercising their First Amendment rights to criticize federal agents constitute a criminal conspiracy—but he gives away the real game a few paragraphs in. Good and these other “wine moms’” actual “crime” wasn’t obstructing justice. It was mocking ICE agents in a manner that hurt their feelings:

The video of Good and her partner heckling and, let’s be honest, goading ICE officers with an obnoxious smugness that makes most people’s skin crawl, is just one of many.

It’s difficult to think of something more “obnoxiously smug” than a Fox News columnist insisting that after an ICE agent murdered a woman in broad daylight for protesting ICE’s actions… we should blame protesting women.

We see these self-important White women doing it in video after video after video, taunting cops, insulting journalists or even bystanders, often with a weird and disturbing glee.

The inclusion of “journalists” in that list is also telling in multiple ways. First off, the MAGA world is way more famous for “insulting journalists.” Hell, it’s part of Trump’s daily activities to insult and taunt journalists. I can’t find any example of Marcus complaining about that. But it sounds like if wine moms make fun of him for his journalism, well, that just means they deserve to be shot in the face?

But, more to the point: obnoxious smugness, heckling, and even goading federal officers is textbook First Amendment-protected speech. Criticizing government officials, even obnoxiously, is perhaps the core function of the First Amendment. Marcus seems to have confused “speech that annoys federal agents” with “criminal conspiracy.” And he’s using his own confusion to justify murder.

All of this, of course, is coming straight from the top. Late yesterday, Donald Trump told the press gaggle on his plane that murdering Good was acceptable because “the woman and her friend were highly disrespectful to law enforcement” and that “law enforcement should not be in a position where they have to put up with this stuff.”

Q: “Do you believe that deadly force was necessary?”Trump: “It was highly disrespectful of law enforcement. The woman and her friend were highly disrespectful of law enforcement…Law enforcement should not be in a position where they have to put up with this stuff.”

— The Bulwark (@thebulwark.com) 2026-01-12T02:14:26.775Z

Yes, he is literally justifying murder by his personal police force by claiming that being “highly disrespectful” (i.e., engaging in First Amendment-protected speech) makes the use of deadly force “necessary.”

Also note how Trump himself reveals that all the retconning nonsense by his MAGA faithful that the shooting had nothing to do with how Good spoke to Ross was all pretext. This was always about whether or not you kiss the boot in front of you. If you don’t—if you are “highly disrespectful”—Trump and his cronies think they can shoot you. And if you complain about it, they can shoot more people.

The state sponsored murders of wine moms will continue until morale improves.

You can see how fragile and pathetic these men are. They are so desperate to subjugate and suppress people who disagree with them politically. They seemed to think that once they were in power, the public would love and admire them for their power. Instead, the vast majority of Americans see them for what they are: pathetic, insecure man-babies in way over their heads.

So, now their only recourse is to ramp up the threats. To say that if you actually call out their criminal actions, such as murder, for what they are, they’ll just be forced to murder more critics and protestors.

They will never take responsibility for their own actions. They will never reflect on their own culpability. Because to reflect would require admitting what everyone already knows: they have no argument. They have no legal justification. They have no constitutional authority for what they’re doing.

All they have is the authoritarian’s playbook: dehumanize your critics, commit violence, blame the victims, and threaten more violence if the criticism doesn’t stop. It’s the logic of every tinpot dictator in history, now being deployed by federal law enforcement on American streets.

There is no question that they’ll murder again. Homan has already promised they will. And it’s why we need to keep exercising our First Amendment rights to speak out against this authoritarian nonsense, rather than capitulating and letting them win.

Filed Under: abuse, dave marcus, dhs, donald trump, ice, murder, renee nicole good, tom homan

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The Bangladeshi army stands guard at the Prothom Alo daily newspaper offices which were set ablaze during protests. Photo: AP Photo/Mahmud Hossain Opu/Alamy This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026. Smoke rose from two buildings late in the Dhaka night, thick and bitter, flames leaping through the shattered windows and gutting newsrooms. Outside, on Kazi Nazrul Islam Avenue and inbang the heart of Karwan Bazar on the night of 18 December 2025, hundreds of people surged forward, chanting, jeering and hurling stones at the offices of Bangladesh’s premier dailies – the Bengali Prothom Alo (First Light) and the English-language Daily Star. Representing the liberal, secular voice of an increasingly divided Bangladesh, editors and journalists at the two newspapers have faced legal attacks from the government and threats of violence. They have also had threats from sections of the general public. By nightfall, the glass frontage of Prothom Alo’s offices had been smashed. Inside, smoke spread rapidly through the newsroom, curling around desks where reporters had been editing copy only hours earlier. Journalists and staff scrambled for exits as the fire took hold on the lower floors of the building. Across the city, at The Daily Star’s headquarters, a similar scene was unfolding: stones hurled through windows, vehicles torched, entrances blocked and journalists trapped inside as smoke filled stairwells. Videos posted online showed flames licking at the building’s interior as staff shouted for help from the upper floors. From a neighbouring high-rise, senior Prothom Alo reporter Galib Ashraf watched helplessly as the conflagration gutted the newsroom that had been his professional home for years. “This wasn’t just a building burning,” he told journalists later. “It was our history going up in smoke.” The acrid smell of burning paper was mixed with fear as glass crunched underfoot and sirens wailed in the distance. For journalists inside the buildings, the experience was visceral. For those watching from outside – fellow reporters, photographers, passers-by – the message was unmistakable. In Bangladesh, even the largest and most established newsrooms were vulnerable to attack. A month later, when Index visited the charred remains of the two offices, a yellow tape surrounded the building, marking the scene of a crime. Veteran journalist Matiur Rahman, editor of Prothom Alo, forced a smile. “We reached out to everyone that night for help,” he said. On the night of the fire, several journalists at The Daily Star found themselves trapped in their offices. The only escape route was upwards, to the rooftop. One reporter, Zyma Islam, posted on Facebook from inside, her words chilling in their simplicity: “I can’t breathe anymore … there’s too much smoke … I am inside.” Some reporters feared that they would die. Mahfuz Anam, editor of the Daily Star told Index that if he had been around, he would have been lynched. He, too, tried reaching out to the authorities. Whilst everyone was sympathetic, it took a long time for help to arrive. The need for a new leader There was an acute sense of betrayal also hanging in the air when Index visited the offices of the two newspapers. Both Prothom Alo and The Daily Star had argued for a more liberal political order in Bangladesh. In August 2024, the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had fled the country when her government agents killed more than 800 student demonstrators. Like many of the country’s educated and middle classes, journalists felt Bangladesh needed a new leader known for probity, someone like the Nobel Laureate Muhammed Yunus. The newspapers supported Yunus, who was known for his pioneering microlending work in Bangladesh, specifically to support indigenous trading women. The fact that he had been persecuted and by Hasina added to his credibility. So there was considerable enthusiasm when he agreed to become the chief adviser of the interim government, the de facto prime minister until elections were held. But his political choices stunned people. Even while expressing faith in the youth, he blindsided the female student leaders responsible for the uprising that felled Hasina by letting the misogynistic Jamaat-e-Islami party dictate terms. Sheikh Hasina had banned the Jamaat, but following her ousting, the Jamaat had a new lease of life and was going to contest the February elections. Disappointed women leaders of the movement left the newly-formed National Citizen Party that the students had formed. Many felt that Yunus had betrayed their hopes. On the night of the attacks, the editors and senior journalists, including editors of rival newspapers, made frantic calls to Yunus and his advisers, as well as senior government officials, pleading for help. None came for a long time – both offices had been reduced to burnt-out shells before the fires were brought under control. There was no explanation forthcoming as to why the police did not arrive at the two newspaper offices, in the heart of Dhaka, to stop the mob before the crowds grew in size. The Daily Star was founded in 1991, two decades after the brutal civil war against Pakistan that led to Bangladesh’s independence – albeit at the cost of hundreds of thousands of lives. Prothom Alo was formed in 1998. The two newspapers have long been recognised as constructive critics of the governments of the day. While both have been accused of pro-India and anti-fundamentalist bias, they are both in fact remarkably independent. Nothing demonstrates this clearer than their dexterous navigation of the tortuous turns of Bangladeshi politics, characterised until recently by the Manichaean divide between the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) which each took turns holding power since Bangladesh’s independence in 1971. The night the presses stopped The December night of the fires, one of the darkest in the history of newspaper publishing in Bangladesh, was not merely a picture of chaos, it was the symbolic decapitation of independent journalism in Bangladesh. The two newspapers were forced to suspend their print editions, Prothom Alo for the first time in nearly three decades and The Daily Star for the first time in its 35-year existence. Martial law, threats of lawsuits and the arrests and disappearances of reporters hadn’t silenced them. But a mob did succeed where others had failed, even if only for one night. The mobs that converged on Dhaka’s media hubs did not emerge from a vacuum. The proximate cause of the confrontation was the assassination of a student leader, Sharif Osman Hadi, who was the spokesperson for Inquilab Mancha, Platform of the Revolution, which had emerged from the student-led uprising. His killers are still at large. But that anger was quickly and violently redirected at the press. Mobs accused the two newspapers of political bias, branding them “India-backed” and loyal to Hasina. Human rights and press bodies across the world condemned the attacks, not as isolated incidents but rather as symptoms of a deeper malaise. Irene Khan, the UN Special Rapporteur for freedom of expression and opinion, called the arson attacks ‘deeply alarming,’ expressing her outrage over ‘orchestrated mob violence.’ Bangladesh’s media landscape had been corroded for years by oppressive laws, intimidation and impunity. Whilst the arson attacks were dramatic, they were not anomalous. They were the logical culmination of a long, grinding war on free expression in Bangladesh. The erosion began with fear. For more than a decade, Bangladesh has stayed in the bottom quartile of global press freedom rankings (in 2025, it ranked 149th out of 180 countries surveyed by Reporters Without Borders). Editors came to understand which stories would invite legal trouble. Reporters learned when not to quote certain sources. Bloggers discovered that a Facebook post could carry the same risks as an investigative exposé. Some were hacked to death, and many fled to safety, seeking asylum abroad. Digital dissent A major turning point came in 2018, with the enactment of the Digital Security Act (DSA) – a broad and vaguely worded law ostensibly aimed at combating cybercrime and digital harm. In practice, it became a powerful tool for muzzling dissent. The Act’s provisions criminalised a wide range of speech perceived as “false” or “offensive”, leaving journalists, social-media users and activists vulnerable to long jail terms and heavy fines. Rights groups warned early on that the law could and would be abused to silence critics. One of the most emblematic cases involved Shamsuzzaman Shams, a reporter for Prothom Alo arrested in 2023 after writing about rising food prices. The Hasina government charged him under the DSA with spreading “false news”. Nearly 3,000 people, including hundreds of journalists, have been charged under the Act since it was passed into law – this in a country whose constitution guarantees freedom of expression. The DSA’s broad reach is part of a larger pattern, wherein legal mechanisms intended to protect citizens instead serve as implements of fear and silence. In 2020, cartoonist Ahmed Kabir Kishore, for example, spent 10 months in pre-trial detention under the DSA on account of his satirical work, drawing international condemnation for his treatment. The writer Mushtaq Ahmed died in jail in 2021. He had criticised the government’s handling of the pandemic and died of a heart attack, although his supporters and lawyers, including the co-accused, said he had been tortured in jail. Beyond arrests and lawsuits, the threat of violence hangs like Damocles’ sword over independent voices. One of the starkest and most haunting chapters in Bangladesh’s press freedom story is the disappearance of journalists – most notoriously that of Shafiqul Islam Kajol, a photojournalist and editor who vanished in March 2020. Kajol was last seen leaving his Dhaka home a day after being charged under the DSA with a defamation suit, filed by an Awami League politician. CCTV footage showed unidentified men tampering with his motorcycle before he disappeared. Kajol’s family suspected abduction; rights groups demanded investigations that never yielded closure. Authorities denied he was in custody. When Kajol was eventually found, with his hands and feet tied, near the Indian border, Bangladeshi authorities arrested him for trespassing. A narrowing conversation These attacks and deaths are horrifying reminders that journalists and independent thinkers constantly face mortal danger in Bangladesh for the very act of thinking and speaking freely. When journalists fear for their safety and media houses are targets of mob violence, the public conversation narrows. Citizens lose access to independent verification of facts, analysis and accountability reporting, making it easier for misinformation to flourish In the elections in February 2026, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s son, Tarique Rahman, secured a two-thirds majority in parliamentary seats, with their rivals the Awami League not allowed to stand, and Jamaat performing much less well than people had feared. While the BNP’s manifesto has spoken of upholding press freedom, in the binary nature of Bangladeshi politics, it might in fact mean that publications suppressed under the Awami League will have greater freedom – while publications that opposed the BNP might find that not much has changed. A newspaper which BNP leader Rahman was involved with was accused of running campaigns against atheist bloggers. What distinguishes the recent attacks on Prothom Alo and The Daily Star however was not merely their scale, but their symbolism. This was censorship by arson, carried out not by the state directly, but by crowds emboldened by years of official hostility. When governments describe journalists as enemies, traitors or foreign agents, they license others to act accordingly. When attacks on critics of the government are normalised, the moral fabric of society frays. Bengal is the culture of patrikas, pamphlets penned by intellectuals to defy orthodoxy. Shut them down, and it becomes a lesser Bengal. When voices are silenced or endangered, the very sense of a collective narrative – of what holds a diverse nation together – is weakened. READ MORE

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