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Home»News»Media & Culture»Rep. Luna Threatens Journalist With Prison For Posting… Public University Bio
Media & Culture

Rep. Luna Threatens Journalist With Prison For Posting… Public University Bio

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from the found-the-censorship-industrial-complex dept

If you want to understand how far MAGA Republicans have strayed from any actual “free speech” principles, look no further than this: Congress issued a subpoena to Rolling Stone journalist Seth Harp, because he posted on X a publicly available online biography of someone involved in the illegal and unconstitutional kidnapping of Nicolas Maduro. There was no private information shared. There was no “doxxing” in any sense of the word.

Just to be crystal clear about what we’re talking about here: a member of Congress subpoenaed a journalist and referred him for criminal prosecution for posting information that was publicly available on a university website. Information that a university proudly displays on its own website. Information that, even if it were classified (which it isn’t), would still be constitutionally protected to publish.

Yet, because MAGA folks always need to attack anyone who makes them look silly, they went crazy. First, they got X to lock his account until he deleted the post. Harp explained how there’s no way you could consider this to be doxxing.

If you can’t read that screenshot, Harp’s detailed explanation of why he did nothing wrong is quite thorough and quite obviously true:

Yesterday, X admins locked my account and required me to delete certain posts in order to log back in. No explanation was given, but I had posted the publicly available, online bio of a Delta Force commander, a full-bird colonel, whose identity is not classified and which anyone skilled at FOIA can ascertain.

In no way did I “doxx” the officer. I did not post any personally identifying information about him, such as his birthday, social security number, home address, phone number, email address, the names of his family members, or pictures of his house. What I posted is still online on Duke University’s website for all the world to see.

If you serve in the US military, your personnel documents are public records, as they should be. Because I served in the Army myself, anyone can obtain my records, which show the units in which I served. Nothing exempts Delta Force from this basic transparency.

To illustrate these points, I also posted the records of deceased special operators, obtained through FOIA, that specifically say “Delta Force” on them, unredacted. In the spirit of fairness, I also posted my own service record. X required me to delete those posts, too.

Nothing about this should distract from the larger issue: Delta Force, acting on President Trump’s unlawful orders, which contravened every principle of international law and sovereignty, as well as the Congress’s prerogative to declare war, invaded Venezuela, killed scores of Venezuelans who posed no threat to the United States, and kidnapped the Venezuelan president, Nicolas Maduro, as well as his wife.

Every civilian official and military officer in the American chain of command who participated in this outrageously illegal and provocative act of war – which a supermajority of Americans oppose is the legitimate subject of journalistic scrutiny, and X has no business censoring my timely and accurate reporting.

And just to underscore how ridiculous this entire affair is: Duke University, apparently spooked by the controversy, has now scrubbed the bio from its website. The officer’s name and photo remain, but the biographical text—which revealed nothing even remotely sensitive—has been deleted. So Luna’s intimidation campaign worked, at least in getting a university to memory-hole publicly available information about one of its own fellows. This is exactly how chilling effects operate in practice.

And, for that, he gets a subpoena driven by MAGA Representative Anna Paulina Luna, who falsely claimed he was “leaking classified information.” She then followed it up by referring Harp to the DOJ:

That’s Rep. Luna misleading everyone and misrepresenting what Harp did, saying:

I have referred Seth Harp to the DOJ for investigation and to pursue criminal charges regarding the intentional publication of information related to Operation Absolute Resolve, including the doxxing of a U.S. Delta Force operator. That conduct is not protected journalism. It was reckless, dangerous, and put American lives at risk. The First Amendment does not give anyone a license to expose elite military personnel, compromise operations, or assist our adversaries under the guise of reporting.

Congress has a constitutional duty to investigate when national security is endangered, and no one is above oversight. It is also well within my constitutional authority to work with the DOJ to ensure that justice is served. I look forward to the results of a very thorough investigation and the potential filing of charges for violations of multiple U.S. codes.

I have confirmation that the DOJ has received the letter, and we look forward to their findings.

The only truthful part of that is that she has, in fact (ridiculously), referred Harp to the DOJ.

She’s wrong on every other account. He did not “doxx” anyone. And even if he was revealing “information related to Operation Absolute Resolve,” that is absolutely protected by the First Amendment.

It’s not even a close call. We did this 55 years ago in the Pentagon Papers case, where the Supreme Court made it abundantly clear that of course the First Amendment protects journalists publishing even secret government documents about military operations (which isn’t even what Harp did here)—documents that were actually classified, unlike the public university bio that Harp posted.

Take a moment to review all this: In 1971, the Nixon administration tried to stop the New York Times from publishing the Pentagon Papers—genuinely secret documents about the Vietnam War. The Supreme Court told Nixon to pound sand. Now, in 2026, we have a member of Congress going even further, not just trying to stop publication (which already failed half a century ago), but criminally referring a journalist for publishing information that was publicly available on a university website.

In a concurring opinion in the Pentagon Papers case, Justice Hugo Black wrote poetically about the power of the First Amendment protecting journalists especially when they are embarrassing the government:

In the First Amendment, the Founding Fathers gave the free press the protection it must have to fulfill its essential role in our democracy. The press was to serve the governed, not the governors. The Government’s power to censor the press was abolished so that the press would remain forever free to censure the Government. The press was protected so that it could bare the secrets of government and inform the people. Only a free and unrestrained press can effectively expose deception in government. And paramount among the responsibilities of a free press is the duty to prevent any part of the government from deceiving the people and sending them off to distant lands to die of foreign fevers and foreign shot and shell. In my view, far from deserving condemnation for their courageous reporting, the New York Times, the Washington Post, and other newspapers should be commended for serving the purpose that the Founding Fathers saw so clearly. In revealing the workings of government that led to the Vietnam war, the newspapers nobly did precisely that which the Founders hoped and trusted they would do.

Rep. Luna either hasn’t read that, doesn’t understand it, or doesn’t care. Because what she is engaging in is out-and-out harassment of journalists doing their jobs, in an effort to intimidate and chill speech of reporters who report information that Luna and the MAGA Trump world would prefer not see the light of day.

That’s not how this works. It’s not how journalism works. It’s not how the First Amendment works, and it’s not how free speech works.

As Seth Stern from Freedom of the Press said in response to this:

Journalists don’t work for the government and can’t ‘leak’ government information — to the contrary, it’s their job to find and publish the news, whether the government wants it made public or not. Identifying government officials by name is not doxxing or harassment, no matter how many times Trump allies say otherwise. Reporters have a constitutional right to publish even classified leaks, as long as they don’t commit any crimes to obtain them, but Harp merely published information that was publicly available about someone at the center of the world’s biggest news story.

You may recall that after the election in 2024, President Trump demanded that Republicans in the Senate kill the PRESS Act, which had been approved in the house with broad bipartisan support. That law, which would make it even more explicit how the First Amendment protects journalists was killed because Trump and the MAGA base have known all along that they need to violate the First Amendment rights of journalists to try to intimidate and silence them.

This fits a pattern that’s become impossible to ignore: the same people who spent years screaming about “big tech censorship” and “free speech” are now wielding actual government power to silence journalists who embarrass them. The same crowd that insisted Trump would “bring free speech back” is now cheering as he and his congressional allies deploy subpoenas and criminal referrals against reporters.

Remember, it was just a few years ago that Rep. Luna herself was apoplectically accusing the Biden administration of colluding with Twitter to censor users… because she didn’t understand what Jira is. Yet, here, she’s helping the bastardized remains of Twitter, X, silence a journalist herself.

In normal times you could trust that the DOJ would laugh at Rep. Luna’s call for prosecution. But these aren’t normal times. We’ve seen case after case after case of the DOJ bringing bogus, bullshit federal criminal cases against perceived enemies for no reason other than intimidation. That most of those cases are failing in the courts is besides the point. The process itself is the punishment.

And here, Rep. Luna is holding the censor’s axe, abusing her power as an elected official to intimidate and suppress the speech of journalists who were just reporting publicly available information. The First Amendment doesn’t stop applying just because the subject of journalism is inconvenient for the government. But Luna and her MAGA colleagues seem to think it does—or at least, they’re betting that their base won’t care about constitutional principles when it’s “their guy” doing the censoring.

Filed Under: 1st amendment, anna paulina luna, chilling effects, doj, free speech, freedom of the press, intimidation, journalism, press act, seth harp

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The Bangladeshi army stands guard at the Prothom Alo daily newspaper offices which were set ablaze during protests. Photo: AP Photo/Mahmud Hossain Opu/Alamy This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026. Smoke rose from two buildings late in the Dhaka night, thick and bitter, flames leaping through the shattered windows and gutting newsrooms. Outside, on Kazi Nazrul Islam Avenue and inbang the heart of Karwan Bazar on the night of 18 December 2025, hundreds of people surged forward, chanting, jeering and hurling stones at the offices of Bangladesh’s premier dailies – the Bengali Prothom Alo (First Light) and the English-language Daily Star. Representing the liberal, secular voice of an increasingly divided Bangladesh, editors and journalists at the two newspapers have faced legal attacks from the government and threats of violence. They have also had threats from sections of the general public. By nightfall, the glass frontage of Prothom Alo’s offices had been smashed. Inside, smoke spread rapidly through the newsroom, curling around desks where reporters had been editing copy only hours earlier. Journalists and staff scrambled for exits as the fire took hold on the lower floors of the building. Across the city, at The Daily Star’s headquarters, a similar scene was unfolding: stones hurled through windows, vehicles torched, entrances blocked and journalists trapped inside as smoke filled stairwells. Videos posted online showed flames licking at the building’s interior as staff shouted for help from the upper floors. From a neighbouring high-rise, senior Prothom Alo reporter Galib Ashraf watched helplessly as the conflagration gutted the newsroom that had been his professional home for years. “This wasn’t just a building burning,” he told journalists later. “It was our history going up in smoke.” The acrid smell of burning paper was mixed with fear as glass crunched underfoot and sirens wailed in the distance. For journalists inside the buildings, the experience was visceral. For those watching from outside – fellow reporters, photographers, passers-by – the message was unmistakable. In Bangladesh, even the largest and most established newsrooms were vulnerable to attack. A month later, when Index visited the charred remains of the two offices, a yellow tape surrounded the building, marking the scene of a crime. Veteran journalist Matiur Rahman, editor of Prothom Alo, forced a smile. “We reached out to everyone that night for help,” he said. On the night of the fire, several journalists at The Daily Star found themselves trapped in their offices. The only escape route was upwards, to the rooftop. One reporter, Zyma Islam, posted on Facebook from inside, her words chilling in their simplicity: “I can’t breathe anymore … there’s too much smoke … I am inside.” Some reporters feared that they would die. Mahfuz Anam, editor of the Daily Star told Index that if he had been around, he would have been lynched. He, too, tried reaching out to the authorities. Whilst everyone was sympathetic, it took a long time for help to arrive. The need for a new leader There was an acute sense of betrayal also hanging in the air when Index visited the offices of the two newspapers. Both Prothom Alo and The Daily Star had argued for a more liberal political order in Bangladesh. In August 2024, the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had fled the country when her government agents killed more than 800 student demonstrators. Like many of the country’s educated and middle classes, journalists felt Bangladesh needed a new leader known for probity, someone like the Nobel Laureate Muhammed Yunus. The newspapers supported Yunus, who was known for his pioneering microlending work in Bangladesh, specifically to support indigenous trading women. The fact that he had been persecuted and by Hasina added to his credibility. So there was considerable enthusiasm when he agreed to become the chief adviser of the interim government, the de facto prime minister until elections were held. But his political choices stunned people. Even while expressing faith in the youth, he blindsided the female student leaders responsible for the uprising that felled Hasina by letting the misogynistic Jamaat-e-Islami party dictate terms. Sheikh Hasina had banned the Jamaat, but following her ousting, the Jamaat had a new lease of life and was going to contest the February elections. Disappointed women leaders of the movement left the newly-formed National Citizen Party that the students had formed. Many felt that Yunus had betrayed their hopes. On the night of the attacks, the editors and senior journalists, including editors of rival newspapers, made frantic calls to Yunus and his advisers, as well as senior government officials, pleading for help. None came for a long time – both offices had been reduced to burnt-out shells before the fires were brought under control. There was no explanation forthcoming as to why the police did not arrive at the two newspaper offices, in the heart of Dhaka, to stop the mob before the crowds grew in size. The Daily Star was founded in 1991, two decades after the brutal civil war against Pakistan that led to Bangladesh’s independence – albeit at the cost of hundreds of thousands of lives. Prothom Alo was formed in 1998. The two newspapers have long been recognised as constructive critics of the governments of the day. While both have been accused of pro-India and anti-fundamentalist bias, they are both in fact remarkably independent. Nothing demonstrates this clearer than their dexterous navigation of the tortuous turns of Bangladeshi politics, characterised until recently by the Manichaean divide between the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) which each took turns holding power since Bangladesh’s independence in 1971. The night the presses stopped The December night of the fires, one of the darkest in the history of newspaper publishing in Bangladesh, was not merely a picture of chaos, it was the symbolic decapitation of independent journalism in Bangladesh. The two newspapers were forced to suspend their print editions, Prothom Alo for the first time in nearly three decades and The Daily Star for the first time in its 35-year existence. Martial law, threats of lawsuits and the arrests and disappearances of reporters hadn’t silenced them. But a mob did succeed where others had failed, even if only for one night. The mobs that converged on Dhaka’s media hubs did not emerge from a vacuum. The proximate cause of the confrontation was the assassination of a student leader, Sharif Osman Hadi, who was the spokesperson for Inquilab Mancha, Platform of the Revolution, which had emerged from the student-led uprising. His killers are still at large. But that anger was quickly and violently redirected at the press. Mobs accused the two newspapers of political bias, branding them “India-backed” and loyal to Hasina. Human rights and press bodies across the world condemned the attacks, not as isolated incidents but rather as symptoms of a deeper malaise. Irene Khan, the UN Special Rapporteur for freedom of expression and opinion, called the arson attacks ‘deeply alarming,’ expressing her outrage over ‘orchestrated mob violence.’ Bangladesh’s media landscape had been corroded for years by oppressive laws, intimidation and impunity. Whilst the arson attacks were dramatic, they were not anomalous. They were the logical culmination of a long, grinding war on free expression in Bangladesh. The erosion began with fear. For more than a decade, Bangladesh has stayed in the bottom quartile of global press freedom rankings (in 2025, it ranked 149th out of 180 countries surveyed by Reporters Without Borders). Editors came to understand which stories would invite legal trouble. Reporters learned when not to quote certain sources. Bloggers discovered that a Facebook post could carry the same risks as an investigative exposé. Some were hacked to death, and many fled to safety, seeking asylum abroad. Digital dissent A major turning point came in 2018, with the enactment of the Digital Security Act (DSA) – a broad and vaguely worded law ostensibly aimed at combating cybercrime and digital harm. In practice, it became a powerful tool for muzzling dissent. The Act’s provisions criminalised a wide range of speech perceived as “false” or “offensive”, leaving journalists, social-media users and activists vulnerable to long jail terms and heavy fines. Rights groups warned early on that the law could and would be abused to silence critics. One of the most emblematic cases involved Shamsuzzaman Shams, a reporter for Prothom Alo arrested in 2023 after writing about rising food prices. The Hasina government charged him under the DSA with spreading “false news”. Nearly 3,000 people, including hundreds of journalists, have been charged under the Act since it was passed into law – this in a country whose constitution guarantees freedom of expression. The DSA’s broad reach is part of a larger pattern, wherein legal mechanisms intended to protect citizens instead serve as implements of fear and silence. In 2020, cartoonist Ahmed Kabir Kishore, for example, spent 10 months in pre-trial detention under the DSA on account of his satirical work, drawing international condemnation for his treatment. The writer Mushtaq Ahmed died in jail in 2021. He had criticised the government’s handling of the pandemic and died of a heart attack, although his supporters and lawyers, including the co-accused, said he had been tortured in jail. Beyond arrests and lawsuits, the threat of violence hangs like Damocles’ sword over independent voices. One of the starkest and most haunting chapters in Bangladesh’s press freedom story is the disappearance of journalists – most notoriously that of Shafiqul Islam Kajol, a photojournalist and editor who vanished in March 2020. Kajol was last seen leaving his Dhaka home a day after being charged under the DSA with a defamation suit, filed by an Awami League politician. CCTV footage showed unidentified men tampering with his motorcycle before he disappeared. Kajol’s family suspected abduction; rights groups demanded investigations that never yielded closure. Authorities denied he was in custody. When Kajol was eventually found, with his hands and feet tied, near the Indian border, Bangladeshi authorities arrested him for trespassing. A narrowing conversation These attacks and deaths are horrifying reminders that journalists and independent thinkers constantly face mortal danger in Bangladesh for the very act of thinking and speaking freely. When journalists fear for their safety and media houses are targets of mob violence, the public conversation narrows. Citizens lose access to independent verification of facts, analysis and accountability reporting, making it easier for misinformation to flourish In the elections in February 2026, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s son, Tarique Rahman, secured a two-thirds majority in parliamentary seats, with their rivals the Awami League not allowed to stand, and Jamaat performing much less well than people had feared. While the BNP’s manifesto has spoken of upholding press freedom, in the binary nature of Bangladeshi politics, it might in fact mean that publications suppressed under the Awami League will have greater freedom – while publications that opposed the BNP might find that not much has changed. A newspaper which BNP leader Rahman was involved with was accused of running campaigns against atheist bloggers. What distinguishes the recent attacks on Prothom Alo and The Daily Star however was not merely their scale, but their symbolism. This was censorship by arson, carried out not by the state directly, but by crowds emboldened by years of official hostility. When governments describe journalists as enemies, traitors or foreign agents, they license others to act accordingly. When attacks on critics of the government are normalised, the moral fabric of society frays. Bengal is the culture of patrikas, pamphlets penned by intellectuals to defy orthodoxy. Shut them down, and it becomes a lesser Bengal. When voices are silenced or endangered, the very sense of a collective narrative – of what holds a diverse nation together – is weakened. READ MORE

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