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Home»News»Media & Culture»Rand Paul’s Anger at Markwayne Mullin Is Justified
Media & Culture

Rand Paul’s Anger at Markwayne Mullin Is Justified

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Rand Paul’s Anger at Markwayne Mullin Is Justified
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Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R–Okla.) might have been expecting to sail through the Senate and ultimately be confirmed as outgoing Secretary Kristi Noem’s replacement at the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). But there’s a senator from his own party standing in his way, and that senator has an extremely legitimate grievance.

Sen. Rand Paul (R–Ky.), chair of the Homeland Security and Government Affairs Committee, squared off against Mullin during a tense hearing on Wednesday. Paul castigated Mullin for having previously made light of the brutal beating of Paul in 2017, when his neighbor attacked him. As Reason‘s Jacob Sullum noted in his own coverage, Paul sustained serious injuries, including six broken ribs, and had to have part of his lung removed. Yet Mullin previously said that Paul is a “freaking snake” and that “I understand completely why his neighbor did what he did.”

You are reading Free Media from Robby Soave and Reason. Get more of Robby’s on-the-media, disinformation, and free speech coverage.

Paul began the hearing by referencing these remarks and gave Mullin a chance to explain himself and apologize. Mullin should have said something like this: It was a heated moment, and I misspoke. I should never have appeared to make excuses for violence against you. That was bad judgment on my part, and I profoundly apologize.

Instead, Mullin very specifically declined to apologize. “I am not apologizing for pointing out your character,” he said.

Paul: “You offered no apology…I haven’t heard I misspoke, and I was heated, and I made a mistake.”

Mullin: “I actually wasn’t heated, and I’m not apologizing for pointing out your character.”

Paul: “So…you want the American public and the people up here that may or may not… pic.twitter.com/T5pquFWhOs

— The Bulwark (@BulwarkOnline) March 18, 2026

Lest anyone think Paul is making a mountain out of a mole hill, consider the outrage that would have ensued had Mullin made light of violence against any other conservative or Republican figures. For instance, imagine if Mullin had said that while he did not endorse the murder of Charlie Kirk, he understood completely why the assassin did what he did. Imagine that he steadfastly refused to apologize for saying so. Presumably, that would be the end of Mullin’s ambitions to serve as secretary of the DHS.

Nor does this appear to be some kind of one-off incident. Mullin also infamously threatened International Brotherhood of Teamsters President Sean O’Brien during a tense committee hearing in 2023. The fact that O’Brien and Mullin later reconciled and became friends is beside the point: Members of the Senate should not routinely escalate their disputes to the point of violence.

Mullin, however, clearly seems to think otherwise. In his argument with Paul this week, he favorably referenced the fact that politicians in the 19th century did occasionally duel each other to death.

Rand Paul: “The fact he can’t bring himself to say that we shouldn’t settle political questions with violence, I think that would be a terrible example for ICE and Border Patrol” pic.twitter.com/081Kd7h0oQ

— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) March 18, 2026

Paul found this particularly disqualifying and indicated he would vote against Mullin.

“The fact that he can’t bring himself to say we shouldn’t settle political questions with violence, I think that would be a terrible example for ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] and our border control agents,” said Paul.

He’s absolutely right. The DHS is an important law enforcement body, and it should be run by someone with a professional temperament. A hothead who wants to fight everybody who crosses him and longs for the days when men could get in arguments and then shoot each other with pistols—something that even most people in the 19th century thought was barbaric—is absolutely the wrong choice to lead the department.

Mullin could not even bring himself to do the bare minimum and say he was sorry about the remark. That’s disqualifying behavior.


I’m joined by Amber Duke to discuss Paul Ehrlich’s anti-family legacy, the CIA vs. Tucker Carlson, and more.


We have a trailer for Dune: Part Three! It looks good, but I am disappointed they’re marketing this as the third and final film. Why not go a little further and adapt my favorite book in the series—the one with a giant talking sandworm person?



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The studios of B-92 in Belgrade. Photo: EC – Audiovisual Service / Raymond Maxwell In 1989, Serbia was in a state of turbulence. The region was on the brink of the Yugoslav wars – the decade-long conflict prompted by the collapse of Yugoslavia, of which Serbia was one of six constituent republics. Slobodan Milošević, populist president of Serbia who gained power by capitalising on rising ethno-nationalist tensions, had recently come into office. Central communist control was weakening, dissent had been stifled and free media was at a premium. These were the conditions under which Veran Matić, together with several other student journalists from Belgrade University, founded the radio station B92. Matić had been involved in independent youth media since 1984, and the station was born from his desire to combine journalism with other forms of civic activism. He proposed that the founding document of the station should be the Universal Declaration of Human Rights – a principle, he told Index, that has guided him since his early life. “I grew up in a village, mostly with my grandparents. They taught me the values of honesty, justice, and many of the ethical principles rooted in religious teachings,” Matić said. “My interests have always extended beyond journalism alone.” Blending rock music with current affairs programmes and phone-ins, B92 quickly gained popularity as a rare outlet for Western news and information in Yugoslavia. However, Serbia was becoming increasingly authoritarian under Milošević; the station’s preference for truth-telling was at odds with the regime, and B92 became a prime target for suppression. Years later, Matić found out that he had been surveilled from the very beginning of his career. “The Yugoslav State Security Service had already begun monitoring and wiretapping me,” he explained. “I was aware that I was being followed, but I had no idea that my telephone conversations had been systematically intercepted for years.” Matić soon became editor-in-chief of B92. During anti-government demonstrations in Belgrade in March 1991, police stormed the newsroom and threatened staff members and foreign correspondents in the newsroom, forcing the station off the air. “Tanks had already begun appearing on the streets, and the police threatened violence against our staff,” Matić said. “We finally suspended broadcasting, but we refused to air the official state news agency’s reports. The following day we resumed broadcasting without permission because the student protests had begun.” The next time the state tried to shut B92 down, in 1996, the station was ready. Staff outmanoeuvred the authorities by transmitting their signal over the internet to the BBC in London, which relayed it by satellite back to local radio stations across Serbia for broadcast. This was one of the first examples of using the internet to circumvent censorship in broadcasting. Matić contended that the most dangerous period for B92 staff was during the NATO bombing campaign in 1999 – a large-scale air campaign to destroy Yugoslav infrastructure and to stop the repressive activities of the Milošević government. In and amongst the turbulence and warfare, Radio B92 was once again banned. But this time, Matić was arrested. “I was taken to a detention cell inside the largest police headquarters in Belgrade,” he said. “Through a tiny window I could see the night sky, waiting for the bombers to arrive. For the first time in my life, I felt completely powerless.” Matić and his colleagues were buoyed, though, by an international campaign of solidarity in support of independent media in Serbia. They responded with innovation, driven by their belief that the authorities were “not stronger than the ideas.” “We responded by installing transmitters in Romania and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as a clandestine transmitter in Belgrade,” Matić told Index. “We switched it on on 5 October 2000, when nearly half a million people gathered peacefully in Belgrade to bring down Slobodan Milošević’s dictatorship.” In the years that followed, Matić continued to build his career in journalism. He helped to establish the Commission for the Investigation of Murders of Journalists in 2013, and currently chairs the Permanent Working Group for the Safety of Journalists and the Association of Independent Electronic Media (ANEM). He is also head of the B92 foundation, a non-profit launched by the media house which brings together companies, foundations and civil society organisations to promote philanthropy and humanitarian aid. Even though the Milošević era is long gone, Matić continues to face adversity and censorship while reporting in Serbia. Just last month, he was attacked while filming a public gathering in front of the National Assembly, when someone forcibly took his phone despite Matić introducing himself as a journalist. Matić is keen to stress that this was not an isolated incident. “What happened that day cannot be understood simply as an incident in which I was prevented from filming,” he said. “It was the culmination of a much longer process of public targeting and the creation of an atmosphere in which violence against me has effectively been legitimised.” Veran Matić in 2011, the year he was given police protection. Photo: Portal Vlade APV / CC BY 3.0 Between 2011 and 2016 he was under 24-hour police protection, both in Serbia and while travelling abroad. More recently, current President Aleksandar Vučić publicly disparaged Matić during a TV appearance, suggesting that people convicted of crimes as a result of Matić’s investigative journalism had been wronged. At the same time, a pro-government media organisation ran what Matić described as a lengthy propaganda piece on him. “After the broadcast, the threats intensified,” he said. “I have repeatedly been verbally abused and physically confronted in public. Members of my family have also been threatened. “The most frightening aspect is not only the hostility itself, but the growing conviction that there is little institutional protection available.” Matić is not the only journalist in Serbia being targeted in this way. According to the official records of the Supreme Public Prosecutor’s Office, only 12 out of 271 recorded cases of threats and attacks against journalists over the past two and a half years have resulted in final court judgments. Independent media is vital in holding those in power to account and being part of it will never be an easy profession. Matić identified several economic, legal, and security issues facing such outlets, including the threat of SLAPPs together with smear campaigns, harassment on social media and intimidating surveillance tactics. “The consequence is that many journalists go to work every day knowing they are exposed targets,” said Matić. “It has become a struggle for personal safety, for the survival of independent journalism, and ultimately for Serbia’s democratic future.” The B92 foundation has provided support to journalists outside of Serbia in recent years, including correspondents in Ukraine and Gaza. 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