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Home»News»Global Free Speech»Journalists gather to issue a public statement addressing increasing pressure on the press in Turkey, highlighting arrests, detentions, and legal actions targeting reporters. Photo: ZUMA Press, Inc./Alamy Live News Turkey is slipping fast down the Reporters without Borders (RSF) ‘s World Press Freedom Index. The country is now ranked 159th out of 180. As I write these lines from exile there are 31 Turkish journalists behind bars. But while some journalists languish in prison, many more, like me, have been forced to leave the country. Their destinations range from Greece and Switzerland to other European countries, as well as neighbouring regions such as Armenia and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Three journalists shared their experience with Index for World Press Freedom Day. Baransel Ağca, 36, has worked as a journalist for a decade, including as an editor for İleri Haber, 16 Punto and Dokuz8Haber. He faces 15 separate cases against him and has already received a prison sentence of nearly three years in one concluded trial. Explaining the background to his exile, Ağca said: “In 2020, I began publishing investigative reports on suspicious deaths and financial activities linked to the government on my X account. Within a year, I was detained multiple times and received threats. As my safety and freedom were at risk, I came to Germany at the end of 2021.” Now living in Berlin under refugee status, Ağca survives on state support. “I haven’t practised journalism for three years,” explained Ağca: “I’m trying to build a life here, and I have no opportunity to continue journalism. I don’t think I even want to anymore. I have a work permit, but working is actually a disadvantage for refugees like me. Since I can’t work as a journalist, any income I earn as an unskilled worker would lead to losing my housing support.” Reflecting on exile, Ağca told Index: “Above all, being away from my loved ones is the hardest part. I miss my country. Two months ago, I lost my mother and couldn’t even attend her funeral. I struggle to hold on, to build a life and to integrate – because I don’t want to live here. But I can’t return to my country either.”  If his cases are resolved in his favour, he hopes to return to Turkey. Systematic repression in Turkey has disproportionately targeted Kurdish journalists. One of them, Beritan Canözer, 31, encountered this reality at the very beginning of her career in 2013. She has worked exclusively for Kurdish women’s news agencies, including JINHA, Gazete Şujin and JINNEWS. She was arrested in Diyarbakır in 2015 and again in 2023, spending a total of seven months in prison. Her reporting has been criminalised, resulting in 13 separate cases on charges such as “terrorist propaganda” and “membership of a terrorist organisation”. She currently faces up to 10 years in prison in four ongoing appeals, while two other cases have already resulted in confirmed sentences totalling five years. After arrest warrants were issued following these rulings, Canözer left Turkey via irregular routes to Greece in November 2024 before applying for asylum in Belgium. Asked whether she could continue her profession in exile, Canözer told Index: “I try to create opportunities to stay connected to journalism, but I still don’t have a work permit. This makes life very difficult, both financially and psychologically.” She described starting over in exile as deeply challenging: “The hardest part is being away from field reporting. At the same time, my asylum process is exhausting. The procedures move very slowly, and as time passes, conditions become more difficult. Even going to the hospital when I’m sick can turn into chaos.” She attended her first asylum interview in September and has been waiting for a response for seven months. “How long will this uncertainty last?” I ask. “No one knows,” she says. “It varies. Some people have been waiting for three years.” From Belgium I turned again to Germany to speak with Arif Aslan about the hardship of exile. Aslan, 35, has worked as a journalist for 15 years, including roles at Dicle News Agency, Van TV and, between 2018 and 2025, VOA Kurdish Service. He was arrested in 2017 while covering a story, spending around eight months in prison. In a separate case related to social media posts in 2016, he received a prison sentence of one year and three months on charges of “terrorist propaganda”. After the sentence was upheld, he was arrested again in February 2025 and spent 35 days in prison before being conditionally released. Shortly after his release, a new investigation was launched against him on similar grounds. Describing what happened next, Aslan said: “When I came to Germany for a job interview, a new investigation was opened in May 2025 and police raided my home. Due to a confidentiality order, I still don’t know exactly what I’m being accused of.” Aslan has been living in exile since April 2025 and is currently staying in a refugee camp in eastern Germany. “Conditions in the camp are very poor – crowded and lacking hygiene,” he said. “These conditions make it impossible to continue my profession. I feel as though I’m being punished a second time. Six of us share a container, and it resembles a prison.” Forced to leave his wife and three children behind in Van, Aslan describes the emotional toll: “One of the greatest difficulties is being separated from my family. They are still in Turkey. I will be able to apply for family reunification once I obtain residency, but there’s no clarity on how long that will take. This is especially traumatic for the children.” From censorship to imprisonment, these pressures are clearly reshaping the lives of journalists – often far beyond Turkey’s borders. This raises a final question: Who will heal the wounds of journalists forced into exile? READ MORE
Global Free Speech

Journalists gather to issue a public statement addressing increasing pressure on the press in Turkey, highlighting arrests, detentions, and legal actions targeting reporters. Photo: ZUMA Press, Inc./Alamy Live News Turkey is slipping fast down the Reporters without Borders (RSF) ‘s World Press Freedom Index. The country is now ranked 159th out of 180. As I write these lines from exile there are 31 Turkish journalists behind bars. But while some journalists languish in prison, many more, like me, have been forced to leave the country. Their destinations range from Greece and Switzerland to other European countries, as well as neighbouring regions such as Armenia and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Three journalists shared their experience with Index for World Press Freedom Day. Baransel Ağca, 36, has worked as a journalist for a decade, including as an editor for İleri Haber, 16 Punto and Dokuz8Haber. He faces 15 separate cases against him and has already received a prison sentence of nearly three years in one concluded trial. Explaining the background to his exile, Ağca said: “In 2020, I began publishing investigative reports on suspicious deaths and financial activities linked to the government on my X account. Within a year, I was detained multiple times and received threats. As my safety and freedom were at risk, I came to Germany at the end of 2021.” Now living in Berlin under refugee status, Ağca survives on state support. “I haven’t practised journalism for three years,” explained Ağca: “I’m trying to build a life here, and I have no opportunity to continue journalism. I don’t think I even want to anymore. I have a work permit, but working is actually a disadvantage for refugees like me. Since I can’t work as a journalist, any income I earn as an unskilled worker would lead to losing my housing support.” Reflecting on exile, Ağca told Index: “Above all, being away from my loved ones is the hardest part. I miss my country. Two months ago, I lost my mother and couldn’t even attend her funeral. I struggle to hold on, to build a life and to integrate – because I don’t want to live here. But I can’t return to my country either.”  If his cases are resolved in his favour, he hopes to return to Turkey. Systematic repression in Turkey has disproportionately targeted Kurdish journalists. One of them, Beritan Canözer, 31, encountered this reality at the very beginning of her career in 2013. She has worked exclusively for Kurdish women’s news agencies, including JINHA, Gazete Şujin and JINNEWS. She was arrested in Diyarbakır in 2015 and again in 2023, spending a total of seven months in prison. Her reporting has been criminalised, resulting in 13 separate cases on charges such as “terrorist propaganda” and “membership of a terrorist organisation”. She currently faces up to 10 years in prison in four ongoing appeals, while two other cases have already resulted in confirmed sentences totalling five years. After arrest warrants were issued following these rulings, Canözer left Turkey via irregular routes to Greece in November 2024 before applying for asylum in Belgium. Asked whether she could continue her profession in exile, Canözer told Index: “I try to create opportunities to stay connected to journalism, but I still don’t have a work permit. This makes life very difficult, both financially and psychologically.” She described starting over in exile as deeply challenging: “The hardest part is being away from field reporting. At the same time, my asylum process is exhausting. The procedures move very slowly, and as time passes, conditions become more difficult. Even going to the hospital when I’m sick can turn into chaos.” She attended her first asylum interview in September and has been waiting for a response for seven months. “How long will this uncertainty last?” I ask. “No one knows,” she says. “It varies. Some people have been waiting for three years.” From Belgium I turned again to Germany to speak with Arif Aslan about the hardship of exile. Aslan, 35, has worked as a journalist for 15 years, including roles at Dicle News Agency, Van TV and, between 2018 and 2025, VOA Kurdish Service. He was arrested in 2017 while covering a story, spending around eight months in prison. In a separate case related to social media posts in 2016, he received a prison sentence of one year and three months on charges of “terrorist propaganda”. After the sentence was upheld, he was arrested again in February 2025 and spent 35 days in prison before being conditionally released. Shortly after his release, a new investigation was launched against him on similar grounds. Describing what happened next, Aslan said: “When I came to Germany for a job interview, a new investigation was opened in May 2025 and police raided my home. Due to a confidentiality order, I still don’t know exactly what I’m being accused of.” Aslan has been living in exile since April 2025 and is currently staying in a refugee camp in eastern Germany. “Conditions in the camp are very poor – crowded and lacking hygiene,” he said. “These conditions make it impossible to continue my profession. I feel as though I’m being punished a second time. Six of us share a container, and it resembles a prison.” Forced to leave his wife and three children behind in Van, Aslan describes the emotional toll: “One of the greatest difficulties is being separated from my family. They are still in Turkey. I will be able to apply for family reunification once I obtain residency, but there’s no clarity on how long that will take. This is especially traumatic for the children.” From censorship to imprisonment, these pressures are clearly reshaping the lives of journalists – often far beyond Turkey’s borders. This raises a final question: Who will heal the wounds of journalists forced into exile? READ MORE

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Journalists gather to issue a public statement addressing increasing pressure on the press in Turkey, highlighting arrests, detentions, and legal actions targeting reporters. Photo: ZUMA Press, Inc./Alamy Live News

				
				
				
				
				Turkey is slipping fast down the Reporters without Borders (RSF) ‘s World Press Freedom Index. The country is now ranked 159th out of 180. As I write these lines from exile there are 31 Turkish journalists behind bars.
But while some journalists languish in prison, many more, like me, have been forced to leave the country. Their destinations range from Greece and Switzerland to other European countries, as well as neighbouring regions such as Armenia and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.
Three journalists shared their experience with Index for World Press Freedom Day.
Baransel Ağca, 36, has worked as a journalist for a decade, including as an editor for İleri Haber, 16 Punto and Dokuz8Haber. He faces 15 separate cases against him and has already received a prison sentence of nearly three years in one concluded trial.
Explaining the background to his exile, Ağca said: “In 2020, I began publishing investigative reports on suspicious deaths and financial activities linked to the government on my X account. Within a year, I was detained multiple times and received threats. As my safety and freedom were at risk, I came to Germany at the end of 2021.”
Now living in Berlin under refugee status, Ağca survives on state support. “I haven’t practised journalism for three years,” explained Ağca: “I’m trying to build a life here, and I have no opportunity to continue journalism. I don’t think I even want to anymore. I have a work permit, but working is actually a disadvantage for refugees like me. Since I can’t work as a journalist, any income I earn as an unskilled worker would lead to losing my housing support.”
Reflecting on exile, Ağca told Index: “Above all, being away from my loved ones is the hardest part. I miss my country. Two months ago, I lost my mother and couldn’t even attend her funeral. I struggle to hold on, to build a life and to integrate – because I don’t want to live here. But I can’t return to my country either.”  If his cases are resolved in his favour, he hopes to return to Turkey.
Systematic repression in Turkey has disproportionately targeted Kurdish journalists. One of them, Beritan Canözer, 31, encountered this reality at the very beginning of her career in 2013. She has worked exclusively for Kurdish women’s news agencies, including JINHA, Gazete Şujin and JINNEWS.
She was arrested in Diyarbakır in 2015 and again in 2023, spending a total of seven months in prison. Her reporting has been criminalised, resulting in 13 separate cases on charges such as “terrorist propaganda” and “membership of a terrorist organisation”. She currently faces up to 10 years in prison in four ongoing appeals, while two other cases have already resulted in confirmed sentences totalling five years.
After arrest warrants were issued following these rulings, Canözer left Turkey via irregular routes to Greece in November 2024 before applying for asylum in Belgium.
Asked whether she could continue her profession in exile, Canözer told Index: “I try to create opportunities to stay connected to journalism, but I still don’t have a work permit. This makes life very difficult, both financially and psychologically.”
She described starting over in exile as deeply challenging: “The hardest part is being away from field reporting. At the same time, my asylum process is exhausting. The procedures move very slowly, and as time passes, conditions become more difficult. Even going to the hospital when I’m sick can turn into chaos.”
She attended her first asylum interview in September and has been waiting for a response for seven months. “How long will this uncertainty last?” I ask. “No one knows,” she says. “It varies. Some people have been waiting for three years.”
From Belgium I turned again to Germany to speak with Arif Aslan about the hardship of exile. Aslan, 35, has worked as a journalist for 15 years, including roles at Dicle News Agency, Van TV and, between 2018 and 2025, VOA Kurdish Service.
He was arrested in 2017 while covering a story, spending around eight months in prison. In a separate case related to social media posts in 2016, he received a prison sentence of one year and three months on charges of “terrorist propaganda”. After the sentence was upheld, he was arrested again in February 2025 and spent 35 days in prison before being conditionally released. Shortly after his release, a new investigation was launched against him on similar grounds.
Describing what happened next, Aslan said: “When I came to Germany for a job interview, a new investigation was opened in May 2025 and police raided my home. Due to a confidentiality order, I still don’t know exactly what I’m being accused of.”
Aslan has been living in exile since April 2025 and is currently staying in a refugee camp in eastern Germany. “Conditions in the camp are very poor – crowded and lacking hygiene,” he said. “These conditions make it impossible to continue my profession. I feel as though I’m being punished a second time. Six of us share a container, and it resembles a prison.”
Forced to leave his wife and three children behind in Van, Aslan describes the emotional toll: “One of the greatest difficulties is being separated from my family. They are still in Turkey. I will be able to apply for family reunification once I obtain residency, but there’s no clarity on how long that will take. This is especially traumatic for the children.”
From censorship to imprisonment, these pressures are clearly reshaping the lives of journalists – often far beyond Turkey’s borders.
This raises a final question: Who will heal the wounds of journalists forced into exile?

			
			
					
				
				
				
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Turkey is slipping fast down the Reporters without Borders (RSF) ‘s World Press Freedom Index. The country is now ranked 159th out of 180. As I write these lines from exile there are 31 Turkish journalists behind bars.

But while some journalists languish in prison, many more, like me, have been forced to leave the country. Their destinations range from Greece and Switzerland to other European countries, as well as neighbouring regions such as Armenia and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.

Three journalists shared their experience with Index for World Press Freedom Day.

Baransel Ağca, 36, has worked as a journalist for a decade, including as an editor for İleri Haber, 16 Punto and Dokuz8Haber. He faces 15 separate cases against him and has already received a prison sentence of nearly three years in one concluded trial.

Explaining the background to his exile, Ağca said: “In 2020, I began publishing investigative reports on suspicious deaths and financial activities linked to the government on my X account. Within a year, I was detained multiple times and received threats. As my safety and freedom were at risk, I came to Germany at the end of 2021.”

Now living in Berlin under refugee status, Ağca survives on state support. “I haven’t practised journalism for three years,” explained Ağca: “I’m trying to build a life here, and I have no opportunity to continue journalism. I don’t think I even want to anymore. I have a work permit, but working is actually a disadvantage for refugees like me. Since I can’t work as a journalist, any income I earn as an unskilled worker would lead to losing my housing support.”

Reflecting on exile, Ağca told Index: “Above all, being away from my loved ones is the hardest part. I miss my country. Two months ago, I lost my mother and couldn’t even attend her funeral. I struggle to hold on, to build a life and to integrate – because I don’t want to live here. But I can’t return to my country either.”  If his cases are resolved in his favour, he hopes to return to Turkey.

Systematic repression in Turkey has disproportionately targeted Kurdish journalists. One of them, Beritan Canözer, 31, encountered this reality at the very beginning of her career in 2013. She has worked exclusively for Kurdish women’s news agencies, including JINHA, Gazete Şujin and JINNEWS.

She was arrested in Diyarbakır in 2015 and again in 2023, spending a total of seven months in prison. Her reporting has been criminalised, resulting in 13 separate cases on charges such as “terrorist propaganda” and “membership of a terrorist organisation”. She currently faces up to 10 years in prison in four ongoing appeals, while two other cases have already resulted in confirmed sentences totalling five years.

After arrest warrants were issued following these rulings, Canözer left Turkey via irregular routes to Greece in November 2024 before applying for asylum in Belgium.

Asked whether she could continue her profession in exile, Canözer told Index: “I try to create opportunities to stay connected to journalism, but I still don’t have a work permit. This makes life very difficult, both financially and psychologically.”

She described starting over in exile as deeply challenging: “The hardest part is being away from field reporting. At the same time, my asylum process is exhausting. The procedures move very slowly, and as time passes, conditions become more difficult. Even going to the hospital when I’m sick can turn into chaos.”

She attended her first asylum interview in September and has been waiting for a response for seven months. “How long will this uncertainty last?” I ask. “No one knows,” she says. “It varies. Some people have been waiting for three years.”

From Belgium I turned again to Germany to speak with Arif Aslan about the hardship of exile. Aslan, 35, has worked as a journalist for 15 years, including roles at Dicle News Agency, Van TV and, between 2018 and 2025, VOA Kurdish Service.

He was arrested in 2017 while covering a story, spending around eight months in prison. In a separate case related to social media posts in 2016, he received a prison sentence of one year and three months on charges of “terrorist propaganda”. After the sentence was upheld, he was arrested again in February 2025 and spent 35 days in prison before being conditionally released. Shortly after his release, a new investigation was launched against him on similar grounds.

Describing what happened next, Aslan said: “When I came to Germany for a job interview, a new investigation was opened in May 2025 and police raided my home. Due to a confidentiality order, I still don’t know exactly what I’m being accused of.”

Aslan has been living in exile since April 2025 and is currently staying in a refugee camp in eastern Germany. “Conditions in the camp are very poor – crowded and lacking hygiene,” he said. “These conditions make it impossible to continue my profession. I feel as though I’m being punished a second time. Six of us share a container, and it resembles a prison.”

Forced to leave his wife and three children behind in Van, Aslan describes the emotional toll: “One of the greatest difficulties is being separated from my family. They are still in Turkey. I will be able to apply for family reunification once I obtain residency, but there’s no clarity on how long that will take. This is especially traumatic for the children.”

From censorship to imprisonment, these pressures are clearly reshaping the lives of journalists – often far beyond Turkey’s borders.

This raises a final question: Who will heal the wounds of journalists forced into exile?

Read the full article here

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LEFT: Still from the film Dhurandhar which came out in India in 2025, directed by Aditya Dhar. Photo: COLLECTION CHRISTOPHEL © B62 Studios – Benetone Films – Jio Studios/Alamy This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illliberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026.  Salim Mirza, played by one of India’s greatest actors, Balraj Sahni, stands on the wide platform of Agra railway station, as he waves goodbye to his sister and her children who are leaving for Karachi. India has been partitioned overnight but Mirza’s love for Agra, his home city, holds him back. He’s not like most of his fellow Muslims who are leaving en masse in search of a life they presume will be free from discrimination. As the story unfolds, Mirza’s small shoe manufacturing business endures spiralling losses, heightening his dilemma, but eventually Mirza decides to stay, braving the harsh realities of post-independence India. Garm Hawa (Scorching Winds), made in 1974, is one of the greatest Hindi films on Partition and the geo-politics of India and Pakistan. It was made on a shoestring budget and the director Mysore Shrinivas Sathyu borrowed three quarters of the money from his friends. In Garm Hawa, Karachi was positioned as a “land of hope” and Pakistan was not merely a land of barbaric violence. Though in reality Partition had caused enormous bloodshed on both sides of the border, resulting in the largest singular human displacement in the subcontinent’s history. Even at the time, the film struggled to be released, held back by the Censor Board which cited communal sensitivity. But Garm Hawa finally saw the light of day at the Cannes Film Festival the following year and received international recognition. The arguments for Garm Hawa’s subtle, heart-wrenching but humanist approach towards those troubled times after Partition are many. But what is most striking is the absence of hyper-nationalist discourse and “Islamophobia” from the public realm at the time. Interestingly, the term Islamophobia was only adopted later as sociological jargon. The portrayal of Muslims Hindi cinema has come a long way from the 1970s when a film could depict Muslims as real, honest people living ordinary lives and being forced to leave India for Pakistan. Now, cinema is showing Pakistan as a country of terrorists, crime, blood and gruesomeness with Karachi at the heart. The apogee of this trend is Dhurandhar which came out in 2025. The film is both a historic discourse and reflects the rise of hyper-nationalist cinema. It was a huge success at the box office, taking an extraordinary $160 million (13 billion rupees). The cinematic change hasn’t happened overnight, it is intertwined with India’s social transformation and compounded by ideology. A cursory search of films themed on India Pakistan relations throws up mostly espionage thrillers or military dramas. Some of the films were released as early as 1997, like Border set during the India-Pakistan war of 1971. In 2003, there was LOC: Kargil about the 1999 border war between India and Pakistan and the 2007 movie, 1971, was also about the Indo-Pak war. They are more nuanced in comparison with what is happening today and all came out a long time before the current batch of hyper-nationalistic cinema even got the wind in their sails; tellingly, a sequel to 1997’s Border was released on 23 January 2026. On the whole, the late 1990s films laid the groundwork for more definitive later works which showed Hindu heroism and Muslims as the enemy, like for instance The Kashmir Files, Uri The Surgical Strike, The Kerala Story, Raazi, Fighter or Gaddar 2. All are premised on the idea of “patriotism” and “bravery” as predominant emotions and they enjoy a Bollywood eco-system willing to back such projects. Patriotism is box-office gold In a typical chicken and egg scenario, a long list of producers are happy to fund money spinners. The latest “patriotic” films like Dhurandhar and Chhaava were among the highest-grossing films of the year. And as there is such massive demand for stories of Muslim “othering”, more films are getting made. Interestingly, the universe of propaganda films made in 2025 is varied, a period film, Chhaava is focused on Mughals and Marathas. Films like Sky Force and Tanvi The Great are political thrillers. Diplomat, another release, concentrates on Islamic terrorism while Sarzameen is an army thriller based in Kashmir. Dhurandhar, the most successful one of all, is significant because it shifts the film-making grammar of its predecessors and emerges as a gripping entertainer with upscaled cinematic techniques. Wickedly crafted, it is primarily a spy thriller, but it is also a gangster movie and a story of regional political conflict reflecting Pakistan’s internal politics. The genres are mixed together to churn out a brutally violent film, hitherto unseen in Hindi cinema. The screenplay deploys a smart structure with short segments leading from one to the other. This is mounted with a chartbusting techno Qawaali, (a form of Sufi devotional singing) originally used in the iconic 1960s superhit Barsaat. There are high velocity action shots either in extra close-up or from drone cameras. The film is set in the gory, trash-littered streets of a working-class neighbourhood of Karachi. And the characterisation is original. The lead character Hamza Ali Mazari (later unmasked as Indian army officer Jaskirat Singh Rangi), goes undercover as a member of Baloch mobster Rehman Dakait’s gang. Dakait is played by well-known and much-loved Bollywood actor Akshaye Khanna, Mazari by one of the highest paid younger generation actors Ranveer Singh. Dhurandhar appears to be a slick, edgy, hard-hitting movie not your typical hyper-nationalist puff. It speaks its language of bigotry differently, laced with codes of love-hate for the Muslim aesthetic, like its use of popular qawwali and ghazals (forms of music mostly associated with Islamic cultures), spliced with the portrayal of sado-masochistic Muslim men – and women – trying to break free from their “prison”. Younger audiences have lapped up Dhurandhar because they have already been weaned on the unsettling universe of Hollywood’s Kill Bill and Sin City. And the massive distribution network behind the film with 3,000 screenings worldwide, 390 in North America alone, has created a juggernaut guaranteeing the movie’s success. Such intertwinings are intricate and clever, a stark contrast to a handful of cinemas with small budgets but powered by a gritty resolve to tell a story rising from the very same geo-politics but which still manage to remain humane. Ikkis (meaning 21) was released in 2025 without much fanfare, while Dhurandhar was a crushing box office hit. Ikkis is a tenderly told true story of a young army man who died in the Indo-Pak war in 1971 and the events that follow next, when his octogenarian father travels to Lahore for a college reunion thirty years after his son’s death. No jingoism, no slogan-mongering, it casts a newcomer Agastya Nanda, together with the legendary actor Dharmendra who died a few days before the film’s release to pose some vital humanitarian questions connected to war. Ikkis was reportedly made with a budget of between $4.7 million and $7.1 million and was released on 1 January. The film was distributed by powerhouse brands – quite startling as one of them is also the distributor for Dhurandhar – yet it hasn’t been able to catch a break so far and has been a box office flop. The film got some love from a handful of audiences willing to argue for peace. So, it is much more conducive for propaganda films like Dhurandhar to be made (its sequel Dhurandhar 2 is ready for a March release). A polarised view of the world, where Pakistan and Muslims are baddies and Hindus and Indians are goodies, is driving enormous profits for Bollywood, so no wonder the movie moguls are not stopping. READ MORE

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