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Home»News»Global Free Speech»Ugandan journalists face up to 20 years in jail under draconian foreign agents bill
Global Free Speech

Ugandan journalists face up to 20 years in jail under draconian foreign agents bill

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Ugandan journalists face up to 20 years in jail under draconian foreign agents bill
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New York, April 24, 2026—Uganda is set to pass a foreign agents bill, whose sweeping provisions could be used to imprison journalists critically reporting on economics, foreign policy, or elections for up to 20 years, limit foreign media funding to about $100,000, and subject newsrooms to intrusive state oversight.

The Protection of Sovereignty Bill says it aims to register “agents of foreigners” and regulate their funding with tough penalties to end “undue external interference” in government policies by “foreign countries and agents of foreigners.” It says foreign aid to civil society has enabled donors to erode “sacred” national values, while online platforms have been used to “disseminate misinformation, which facilitates social discord.”

The government brought the Russian-style foreign agents bill to parliament on April 15 for a first reading, with strong backing from ruling party lawmakers, who hold a commanding majority in the House.

“Uganda’s Protection of Sovereignty Bill risks unleashing a dangerous legal weapon that authorities can easily turn against the press, under the guise of regulation and national security,” said CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Muthoki Mumo. “If this bill is not stopped, journalists reporting in a manner that does not please President Yoweri Museveni’s 40-year-old administration could find themselves smeared with accusations of ‘economic sabotage’ and jailed as ‘agents of foreigners.’”  

Foreign agents laws that stigmatize the work of civil society and undermine human rights are becoming increasingly popular globally and across Africa, with Zimbabwe passing the so-called “Patriot Act” in 2023, which stipulates heavy penalties for “willfully injuring the sovereignty and national interest.” In 2024, legislators in the Central African Republic discussed a foreign agents bill, while South Africa’s Africa Transformation Movement party said in 2025 that it would table such a bill.  

Funding limits and regulatory burdens for foreign agents

The Ugandan parliament in the capital Kampala in 2017. (Photo: Reuters/James Akena)

The Ugandan legislation’s expansive definition of an “agent of a foreigner” includes any person “whose activities are directly or indirectly supervised, directed, controlled, financed, or subsidized by a foreigner.” This would likely include independent media outlets that rely on international grants or work with foreign news organizations. Foreigners include Ugandans who live abroad.

The bill limits external funding for foreign agents to 400 million shillings (US$107,989) annually, with exceptions requiring written approval from the minister of internal affairs. Those who exceed the cap could be jailed for 20 years and the illegal funds seized by the state. Foreign agents would have to disclose their funding sources, which would be publicly available for inspection.

The bill also introduces burdensome and intrusive regulatory controls, requiring foreign agents to register every two years with the ministry for internal affairs’ department for peace and security. Applicants seeking registration would have to disclose detailed operational information, including staff lists and copies of all written and oral agreements with foreign entities, and could face inquiries into their mental and physical health.

The minister would have broad discretion to deny or revoke registration due to foreign agents’ “disruptive activities,” an undefined “security threat,” or “additional grounds” prescribed by the minister. Operating without registration could result in 10 years’ imprisonment.

Journalists risk 20 years in prison

The bill introduces penalties of up to 20 years in prison for activities that could encompass routine journalistic work, such as the publication of information deemed to “weaken or damage the economic system” — criminalized as “economic sabotage” — or promoting foreign policies not adopted by Cabinet.

Similarly, the law regards any foreign agent who “influences the will” of a person to decide how they shall be governed as “interfering with electoral processes,” for which they can be imprisoned for up to 20 years.

Foreign agents also face up to 20 years in prison if they:

  • Promote the interests of a foreigner against Uganda’s interests;
  • Engage in any activity or receive assistance from a foreigner for any function with the aim of interfering with government operations;
  • Obtain funds or assistance from a foreigner to “participate in disruptive activities;”
  • Fail to submit returns to the minister detailing funds received and how they were spent.

Newsroom raids threaten confidential sources

Employees of the Daily Monitor newspaper, with their mouths taped shut, protest the closure of their premises by the government, on May 20, 2013. Police raided Uganda's leading independent newspaper on Monday and disabled its printing press after it published a letter about a purported plot to stifle allegations that Uganda President Yoweri Museveni is grooming his son for power, a senior editor said.
Daily Monitor employees protest the government’s closure of their premises and disabling of its printing press in May 2013. (Photo: Reuters/James Akena)

Journalists’ ability to protect confidential sources would be threatened by the right of government inspectors to enter foreign agents’ premises at “any reasonable time” and request “any information” that appears “necessary” to give effect to the Act. Refusal to comply would be punishable by up to seven years in prison.

Uganda has previously seen newsroom raids, including a 10-day siege of the Daily Monitor and Red Pepper newspapers in 2013 for publishing a letter about an alleged assassination plot, during which security forces shut down operations and pressured editors to reveal sources.

Uganda’s independent media have faced increasing legal and regulatory pressure in recent years, including prosecution, suspension, and restrictions on reporting. Civil society groups have expressed concern that the Sovereignty Bill could further narrow the civic space.

In an opinion piece defending the proposed law, Attorney General Kiryowa Kiwanuka said the bill was in keeping with similar laws in other democracies, with clearly defined scope and was “grounded in the urgent need to safeguard Uganda’s autonomy and stability in the face of many identified challenges.”

Kiwanuka did not immediately respond to CPJ’s request, via messaging app, for comment on the bill’s potential implications for press freedom.  

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Photo by: Stephen Barnes/Medical/Alamy UK news this week is dominated by a damning report led by senior midwife Donna Ockenden that reveals how more than 500 mothers and babies were harmed or died at maternity units in Nottingham. This isn’t the first scandal Ockenden has investigated. A few years back terrible failings were revealed in Shropshire hospitals run by the Shrewsbury and Telford NHS Trust where 201 babies and nine mothers died.  We spoke to Ockenden for the magazine and she repeated this: “women aren’t listened to”. Another common thread was cover-up. Secrecy is not a one-off, it’s a pattern, wrote Martin Bright when he reported on the Shropshire scandal for Index. As Bright said, “this is not a historical story; it is an ongoing crisis”. Maternity scandals happen not only in Britain but all over the world. Last year’s protests in Morocco were ignited after eight women died in a maternity ward in Agadir because of severe medical neglect. In Egypt last week Omnia Sweidan, a former resident physician in obstetrics and gynaecology at Alexandria’s El-Shatby University Hospital, wrote a Facebook post detailing a series of abusive incidents faced by women at Alexandria’s Al-Shatby Hospital. It was read and shared by tens of thousands. Within 24 hours of posting, instead of the government declaring an investigation, security forces arrested Sweidan. While she was apparently later released, she’s been accused of spreading false news and misusing social media. She could end up in jail. Meanwhile, Afghanistan has one of the highest maternal mortality rates in the world – the figures of deaths and injuries are rising, but to what no one really knows. The Taliban won’t publish the data, probably to cover-up the true numbers. I’ve navigated maternity services myself in the UK. I’ve generally had good experiences and I’m very grateful to the NHS. But my experiences have not been uncomplicated – my daughter very nearly died. What saved her, I’ve been told, were a few factors – my race (white), my class (middle), where I live (London) and the fact that I relentlessly badgered those at my local hospital for weeks on end saying things didn’t feel right. Let me be clear here though: one shouldn’t have to be a dogged white Londoner to get good medical care. And a recent health committee report revealed terrible inequalities faced by people who are members of ethnic minorities, stating that “[B]abies that are Black or Black British Asian or Asian British have a more than 50% higher risk of perinatal mortality”. At Index we typically work on stories where dissidents take on the powerful: leaders, oligarchs and tech bros. The victims of maternity care scandals might not appear the same. But there is much that unites them. At the end of the day if the response you get from a doctor or nurse to a basic medical request is a shrug or a sneer, your free speech is being violated. If the systems view calls for accountability as dissent that must be silenced, then they are censoring. We grew up being told we’re lucky, that childbirth was one of the leading causes of death before the advent of modern medicine. For many of us that’s true. Just not all of us. That’s a travesty demanding urgent attention – in Nottingham and beyond. READ MORE

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