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Home»News»Global Free Speech»Turkey under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has already considers queer lifestyles an impediment to its goals This has been a chilling week for Turkey’s LGBTQ+ communities, perhaps the most unsettling in many years, as police raids against their members sent shockwaves among the country’s marginalised, precarious but well-connected queer groups.   Turkish police have detained multiple individuals from LGBTQ+ rights organisations across Turkey’s 15 provinces, conducting raids on queer association headquarters, confiscating documents from activists, blocking access to websites and social media accounts.  The coordinated raids surprised some, as Turkey has never legally banned homosexuality from Ottoman times onward, but operations, conducted under the government-branded “My Family is Safe” initiative, began on 12 September. An Istanbul court blocked access to numerous websites and social media accounts belonging to LGBTQ+ organisations and activists.  Over five days, courts launched investigations against at least 116 individuals, nine associations, and thirteen businesses. At least 82 were formally arrested as a result of the raids, 25 of whom are LGBTQ+ activists or have formal connections to queer associations. In January 2025, the Turkish government announced 2025 would be “the year of the family”.  Throughout 2025, there were widely shared fears among Turkey’s LGBTQ+ communities of an operation against queer associations and activists. Yet Ankara didn’t take action, despite heightened government rhetoric against “degenerates” and the “LGBT imposition” and “desexualisation policies of globalists”. Then, in May 2025, the government announced an extension of the project, branding 2026-2035 as the “decade of family and population”.  Ankara considers queer lifestyles an impediment to population growth and promised to establish a “digital family shield” to identify, assess, and prevent “harmful elements” that pose a threat to “the health of the Turkish family”.  Instead of passing a law that legally banned queer relationships, the government launched a wave of police operations, branding the effort “My Family is Safe”. “This operation is taking place now because the optimal conditions for carrying it out have been cultivated over the years,” Seçil Epik, founder of Turkish queer publisher Umami, told Index. “For us activists, this comes as no surprise.” Ankara considers queer lifestyles an impediment to population growth Over the past week, the government blocked the website of Kaos GL, Turkey’s first legal LGBTQ+ association, founded in 1994 and granted legal status in 2005. Editors quickly changed its web address to circumvent the ban.   “We don’t have any clear picture of why the operation has begun this week,” Yıldız Tar, editor of Kaos GL, told Index. “It was more like an escalated process that started in 2015 with the attack on pride marches. Now they’re directly targeting LGBTQI organisations, activists and ordinary LGBTQ+ individuals only because they are queer.” Tar was taken into custody on June 23 and sent to Sincan Prison two days later on allegations of “membership in a terrorist organisation” in the days leading up to the Nato Summit in Ankara.  After a month in detention, authorities released him alongside several other individuals, including academics.  Tar had been previously detained on similar allegations in February 2025 and released in May 2025.  “They tried to criminalise homosexuality by passing a law in parliament, but they couldn’t, due to our efforts. Now they are trying to act as if that law passed,” says Tar. Ankara also banned access to ÜniKuir’s news site, the Pink Life (Pembe Hayat) Association, the Youth LGBTI+ Association, Lambdaistanbul, the Muamma LGBTI+ Association, and other queer publications. The ban extended to the social media accounts of actor and trans rights activist Seyhan Arman, and theatre actor and LGBTQ+ activist Zeynep Esmeray Özadikti. On September 13, a day after the internet bans, police in Ankara raided Kaos GL’s office in the Turkish capital, as well as the apartments of Kaos GL members who served on the association’s supervisory boards. “They are trying to act as if that law passed” Kaos GL reported that more than ten LGBTQ+ activists were detained as part of this investigation, led by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office’s Cybercrimes Bureau.  The Kaos GL raid was based on allegations of “obscenity”, an offence defined under Article 226 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), alongside alleged violations of the Law on Associations.  The Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office alleged that “posts containing obscenity” were shared on Kaos GL’s social media accounts in a “manner accessible to children.”  Turkish police and gendarmerie also carried out operations at numerous addresses in Istanbul, targeting queer spaces, like nightclubs and bathhouses, in Beyoğlu and Şişli districts. On 16 September, eight people, five of whom are trans women, were formally arrested, including several Kaos GL board members and the investigative journalist Tuğba Tekerek.  While in custody, Tekerek sent a message to the public: “The ‘lottery’ hit me this time. In 2024, I had traveled to Georgia before the elections and produced various news reports for several outlets. Among them, I had also filed a commissioned story for the Kaos GL news site.”  Tekerek said she was charged with “administering Kaos GL’s Instagram account”, which she said had “absolutely no basis in fact. I simply produced a news report as part of my journalism work. The truth will come out sooner or later.”  Authorities also organised raids in Mersin. The Mersin Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office ordered the detention of individuals who allegedly produced and disseminated “obscene content on social media”. “This sweeping crackdown, in which scores of people have been arrested, has nothing to do with protecting families” As part of the investigation, a Mersin court moved to shut down the “Muamma LGBT Association” and the “Mersin 7 Colors LGBT Association,” both operating in central Mersin. The latest raids drew a strong international reaction. The European Commission said stigmatisation and discrimination run counter to EU values. Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Michael O’Flaherty emphasised that explanations based on “family values” and the “protection of children” couldn’t justify restricting human rights.  International rights organisations, led by Ilga-Europe, characterised the operations as a “coordinated attack”. “This sweeping crackdown, in which scores of people have been arrested, has nothing to do with protecting families and everything to do with further harming and stigmatising a community that has battled decades of discrimination and intimidation,” said Amnesty International’s Esther Major, calling for the release of those detained.  Amidst the backlash, a Turkish court blocked access to social media accounts of Amnesty’s Turkish branch, alongside the leftist daily Evrensel, Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA), and Academics for Peace, among others.  At the time of writing, an Amnesty International spokesperson said they had not received any official notification regarding the decision. Still, they noted that as of September 14, their X account could not be accessed from within Turkey. Local reaction was similarly vocal. MPs from opposition parties condemned the operations.  Several queer and feminist groups prepared to deliver a statement about the raids outside Istanbul’s Çağlayan Courthouse on 15 September.  But when the crowd gathered in front of the courthouse around noon, the police told them to disperse before detaining 106 individuals.  Among those detained were Birgün newspaper reporter Sarya Toprak and Şener Azak, who works for Germany’s ARD network.  “We have reached this point as a result of the state’s years-long campaign to target and criminalise LGBTI+ individuals using all available media channels,” said Epik, the publisher. “LGBTI+ people in Turkey are anxious and fearful, and their very existence is on the verge of being outlawed, yet—as always—they continue to resist.”  READ MORE
Global Free Speech

Turkey under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has already considers queer lifestyles an impediment to its goals This has been a chilling week for Turkey’s LGBTQ+ communities, perhaps the most unsettling in many years, as police raids against their members sent shockwaves among the country’s marginalised, precarious but well-connected queer groups.   Turkish police have detained multiple individuals from LGBTQ+ rights organisations across Turkey’s 15 provinces, conducting raids on queer association headquarters, confiscating documents from activists, blocking access to websites and social media accounts.  The coordinated raids surprised some, as Turkey has never legally banned homosexuality from Ottoman times onward, but operations, conducted under the government-branded “My Family is Safe” initiative, began on 12 September. An Istanbul court blocked access to numerous websites and social media accounts belonging to LGBTQ+ organisations and activists.  Over five days, courts launched investigations against at least 116 individuals, nine associations, and thirteen businesses. At least 82 were formally arrested as a result of the raids, 25 of whom are LGBTQ+ activists or have formal connections to queer associations. In January 2025, the Turkish government announced 2025 would be “the year of the family”.  Throughout 2025, there were widely shared fears among Turkey’s LGBTQ+ communities of an operation against queer associations and activists. Yet Ankara didn’t take action, despite heightened government rhetoric against “degenerates” and the “LGBT imposition” and “desexualisation policies of globalists”. Then, in May 2025, the government announced an extension of the project, branding 2026-2035 as the “decade of family and population”.  Ankara considers queer lifestyles an impediment to population growth and promised to establish a “digital family shield” to identify, assess, and prevent “harmful elements” that pose a threat to “the health of the Turkish family”.  Instead of passing a law that legally banned queer relationships, the government launched a wave of police operations, branding the effort “My Family is Safe”. “This operation is taking place now because the optimal conditions for carrying it out have been cultivated over the years,” Seçil Epik, founder of Turkish queer publisher Umami, told Index. “For us activists, this comes as no surprise.” Ankara considers queer lifestyles an impediment to population growth Over the past week, the government blocked the website of Kaos GL, Turkey’s first legal LGBTQ+ association, founded in 1994 and granted legal status in 2005. Editors quickly changed its web address to circumvent the ban.   “We don’t have any clear picture of why the operation has begun this week,” Yıldız Tar, editor of Kaos GL, told Index. “It was more like an escalated process that started in 2015 with the attack on pride marches. Now they’re directly targeting LGBTQI organisations, activists and ordinary LGBTQ+ individuals only because they are queer.” Tar was taken into custody on June 23 and sent to Sincan Prison two days later on allegations of “membership in a terrorist organisation” in the days leading up to the Nato Summit in Ankara.  After a month in detention, authorities released him alongside several other individuals, including academics.  Tar had been previously detained on similar allegations in February 2025 and released in May 2025.  “They tried to criminalise homosexuality by passing a law in parliament, but they couldn’t, due to our efforts. Now they are trying to act as if that law passed,” says Tar. Ankara also banned access to ÜniKuir’s news site, the Pink Life (Pembe Hayat) Association, the Youth LGBTI+ Association, Lambdaistanbul, the Muamma LGBTI+ Association, and other queer publications. The ban extended to the social media accounts of actor and trans rights activist Seyhan Arman, and theatre actor and LGBTQ+ activist Zeynep Esmeray Özadikti. On September 13, a day after the internet bans, police in Ankara raided Kaos GL’s office in the Turkish capital, as well as the apartments of Kaos GL members who served on the association’s supervisory boards. “They are trying to act as if that law passed” Kaos GL reported that more than ten LGBTQ+ activists were detained as part of this investigation, led by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office’s Cybercrimes Bureau.  The Kaos GL raid was based on allegations of “obscenity”, an offence defined under Article 226 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), alongside alleged violations of the Law on Associations.  The Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office alleged that “posts containing obscenity” were shared on Kaos GL’s social media accounts in a “manner accessible to children.”  Turkish police and gendarmerie also carried out operations at numerous addresses in Istanbul, targeting queer spaces, like nightclubs and bathhouses, in Beyoğlu and Şişli districts. On 16 September, eight people, five of whom are trans women, were formally arrested, including several Kaos GL board members and the investigative journalist Tuğba Tekerek.  While in custody, Tekerek sent a message to the public: “The ‘lottery’ hit me this time. In 2024, I had traveled to Georgia before the elections and produced various news reports for several outlets. Among them, I had also filed a commissioned story for the Kaos GL news site.”  Tekerek said she was charged with “administering Kaos GL’s Instagram account”, which she said had “absolutely no basis in fact. I simply produced a news report as part of my journalism work. The truth will come out sooner or later.”  Authorities also organised raids in Mersin. The Mersin Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office ordered the detention of individuals who allegedly produced and disseminated “obscene content on social media”. “This sweeping crackdown, in which scores of people have been arrested, has nothing to do with protecting families” As part of the investigation, a Mersin court moved to shut down the “Muamma LGBT Association” and the “Mersin 7 Colors LGBT Association,” both operating in central Mersin. The latest raids drew a strong international reaction. The European Commission said stigmatisation and discrimination run counter to EU values. Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Michael O’Flaherty emphasised that explanations based on “family values” and the “protection of children” couldn’t justify restricting human rights.  International rights organisations, led by Ilga-Europe, characterised the operations as a “coordinated attack”. “This sweeping crackdown, in which scores of people have been arrested, has nothing to do with protecting families and everything to do with further harming and stigmatising a community that has battled decades of discrimination and intimidation,” said Amnesty International’s Esther Major, calling for the release of those detained.  Amidst the backlash, a Turkish court blocked access to social media accounts of Amnesty’s Turkish branch, alongside the leftist daily Evrensel, Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA), and Academics for Peace, among others.  At the time of writing, an Amnesty International spokesperson said they had not received any official notification regarding the decision. Still, they noted that as of September 14, their X account could not be accessed from within Turkey. Local reaction was similarly vocal. MPs from opposition parties condemned the operations.  Several queer and feminist groups prepared to deliver a statement about the raids outside Istanbul’s Çağlayan Courthouse on 15 September.  But when the crowd gathered in front of the courthouse around noon, the police told them to disperse before detaining 106 individuals.  Among those detained were Birgün newspaper reporter Sarya Toprak and Şener Azak, who works for Germany’s ARD network.  “We have reached this point as a result of the state’s years-long campaign to target and criminalise LGBTI+ individuals using all available media channels,” said Epik, the publisher. “LGBTI+ people in Turkey are anxious and fearful, and their very existence is on the verge of being outlawed, yet—as always—they continue to resist.”  READ MORE

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Turkey under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has already considers queer lifestyles an impediment to its goals

				
				
				
				
				
			
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				
				This has been a chilling week for Turkey’s LGBTQ+ communities, perhaps the most unsettling in many years, as police raids against their members sent shockwaves among the country’s marginalised, precarious but well-connected queer groups.  
Turkish police have detained multiple individuals from LGBTQ+ rights organisations across Turkey’s 15 provinces, conducting raids on queer association headquarters, confiscating documents from activists, blocking access to websites and social media accounts. 
The coordinated raids surprised some, as Turkey has never legally banned homosexuality from Ottoman times onward, but operations, conducted under the government-branded “My Family is Safe” initiative, began on 12 September. An Istanbul court blocked access to numerous websites and social media accounts belonging to LGBTQ+ organisations and activists. 
Over five days, courts launched investigations against at least 116 individuals, nine associations, and thirteen businesses. At least 82 were formally arrested as a result of the raids, 25 of whom are LGBTQ+ activists or have formal connections to queer associations.
In January 2025, the Turkish government announced 2025 would be “the year of the family”. 
Throughout 2025, there were widely shared fears among Turkey’s LGBTQ+ communities of an operation against queer associations and activists. Yet Ankara didn’t take action, despite heightened government rhetoric against “degenerates” and the “LGBT imposition” and “desexualisation policies of globalists”.
Then, in May 2025, the government announced an extension of the project, branding 2026-2035 as the “decade of family and population”. 
Ankara considers queer lifestyles an impediment to population growth and promised to establish a “digital family shield” to identify, assess, and prevent “harmful elements” that pose a threat to “the health of the Turkish family”. 
Instead of passing a law that legally banned queer relationships, the government launched a wave of police operations, branding the effort “My Family is Safe”.
“This operation is taking place now because the optimal conditions for carrying it out have been cultivated over the years,” Seçil Epik, founder of Turkish queer publisher Umami, told Index. “For us activists, this comes as no surprise.”

Ankara considers queer lifestyles an impediment to population growth

Over the past week, the government blocked the website of Kaos GL, Turkey’s first legal LGBTQ+ association, founded in 1994 and granted legal status in 2005. Editors quickly changed its web address to circumvent the ban.  
“We don’t have any clear picture of why the operation has begun this week,” Yıldız Tar, editor of Kaos GL, told Index. “It was more like an escalated process that started in 2015 with the attack on pride marches. Now they’re directly targeting LGBTQI organisations, activists and ordinary LGBTQ+ individuals only because they are queer.”
Tar was taken into custody on June 23 and sent to Sincan Prison two days later on allegations of “membership in a terrorist organisation” in the days leading up to the Nato Summit in Ankara. 
After a month in detention, authorities released him alongside several other individuals, including academics. 
Tar had been previously detained on similar allegations in February 2025 and released in May 2025. 
“They tried to criminalise homosexuality by passing a law in parliament, but they couldn’t, due to our efforts. Now they are trying to act as if that law passed,” says Tar.
Ankara also banned access to ÜniKuir’s news site, the Pink Life (Pembe Hayat) Association, the Youth LGBTI+ Association, Lambdaistanbul, the Muamma LGBTI+ Association, and other queer publications.
The ban extended to the social media accounts of actor and trans rights activist Seyhan Arman, and theatre actor and LGBTQ+ activist Zeynep Esmeray Özadikti.
On September 13, a day after the internet bans, police in Ankara raided Kaos GL’s office in the Turkish capital, as well as the apartments of Kaos GL members who served on the association’s supervisory boards.

“They are trying to act as if that law passed”

			
				
				
				
				
				Kaos GL reported that more than ten LGBTQ+ activists were detained as part of this investigation, led by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office’s Cybercrimes Bureau. 
The Kaos GL raid was based on allegations of “obscenity”, an offence defined under Article 226 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), alongside alleged violations of the Law on Associations. 
The Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office alleged that “posts containing obscenity” were shared on Kaos GL’s social media accounts in a “manner accessible to children.” 
Turkish police and gendarmerie also carried out operations at numerous addresses in Istanbul, targeting queer spaces, like nightclubs and bathhouses, in Beyoğlu and Şişli districts.
On 16 September, eight people, five of whom are trans women, were formally arrested, including several Kaos GL board members and the investigative journalist Tuğba Tekerek. 
While in custody, Tekerek sent a message to the public: “The ‘lottery’ hit me this time. In 2024, I had traveled to Georgia before the elections and produced various news reports for several outlets. Among them, I had also filed a commissioned story for the Kaos GL news site.” 
Tekerek said she was charged with “administering Kaos GL’s Instagram account”, which she said had “absolutely no basis in fact. I simply produced a news report as part of my journalism work. The truth will come out sooner or later.” 
Authorities also organised raids in Mersin. The Mersin Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office ordered the detention of individuals who allegedly produced and disseminated “obscene content on social media”.

“This sweeping crackdown, in which scores of people have been arrested, has nothing to do with protecting families”

As part of the investigation, a Mersin court moved to shut down the “Muamma LGBT Association” and the “Mersin 7 Colors LGBT Association,” both operating in central Mersin.
The latest raids drew a strong international reaction. The European Commission said stigmatisation and discrimination run counter to EU values. Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Michael O’Flaherty emphasised that explanations based on “family values” and the “protection of children” couldn’t justify restricting human rights. 
International rights organisations, led by Ilga-Europe, characterised the operations as a “coordinated attack”.
“This sweeping crackdown, in which scores of people have been arrested, has nothing to do with protecting families and everything to do with further harming and stigmatising a community that has battled decades of discrimination and intimidation,” said Amnesty International’s Esther Major, calling for the release of those detained. 
Amidst the backlash, a Turkish court blocked access to social media accounts of Amnesty’s Turkish branch, alongside the leftist daily Evrensel, Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA), and Academics for Peace, among others. 
At the time of writing, an Amnesty International spokesperson said they had not received any official notification regarding the decision. Still, they noted that as of September 14, their X account could not be accessed from within Turkey.
Local reaction was similarly vocal. MPs from opposition parties condemned the operations. 
Several queer and feminist groups prepared to deliver a statement about the raids outside Istanbul’s Çağlayan Courthouse on 15 September. 
But when the crowd gathered in front of the courthouse around noon, the police told them to disperse before detaining 106 individuals. 
Among those detained were Birgün newspaper reporter Sarya Toprak and Şener Azak, who works for Germany’s ARD network. 
“We have reached this point as a result of the state’s years-long campaign to target and criminalise LGBTI+ individuals using all available media channels,” said Epik, the publisher. “LGBTI+ people in Turkey are anxious and fearful, and their very existence is on the verge of being outlawed, yet—as always—they continue to resist.” 
			
			
				
				
				
				
			
				
				
					
	
	
			
			
					
				
				
				
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This has been a chilling week for Turkey’s LGBTQ+ communities, perhaps the most unsettling in many years, as police raids against their members sent shockwaves among the country’s marginalised, precarious but well-connected queer groups.  

Turkish police have detained multiple individuals from LGBTQ+ rights organisations across Turkey’s 15 provinces, conducting raids on queer association headquarters, confiscating documents from activists, blocking access to websites and social media accounts. 

The coordinated raids surprised some, as Turkey has never legally banned homosexuality from Ottoman times onward, but operations, conducted under the government-branded “My Family is Safe” initiative, began on 12 September. An Istanbul court blocked access to numerous websites and social media accounts belonging to LGBTQ+ organisations and activists. 

Over five days, courts launched investigations against at least 116 individuals, nine associations, and thirteen businesses. At least 82 were formally arrested as a result of the raids, 25 of whom are LGBTQ+ activists or have formal connections to queer associations.

In January 2025, the Turkish government announced 2025 would be “the year of the family”. 

Throughout 2025, there were widely shared fears among Turkey’s LGBTQ+ communities of an operation against queer associations and activists. Yet Ankara didn’t take action, despite heightened government rhetoric against “degenerates” and the “LGBT imposition” and “desexualisation policies of globalists”.

Then, in May 2025, the government announced an extension of the project, branding 2026-2035 as the “decade of family and population”. 

Ankara considers queer lifestyles an impediment to population growth and promised to establish a “digital family shield” to identify, assess, and prevent “harmful elements” that pose a threat to “the health of the Turkish family”. 

Instead of passing a law that legally banned queer relationships, the government launched a wave of police operations, branding the effort “My Family is Safe”.

“This operation is taking place now because the optimal conditions for carrying it out have been cultivated over the years,” Seçil Epik, founder of Turkish queer publisher Umami, told Index. “For us activists, this comes as no surprise.”

Ankara considers queer lifestyles an impediment to population growth

Over the past week, the government blocked the website of Kaos GL, Turkey’s first legal LGBTQ+ association, founded in 1994 and granted legal status in 2005. Editors quickly changed its web address to circumvent the ban.  

“We don’t have any clear picture of why the operation has begun this week,” Yıldız Tar, editor of Kaos GL, told Index. “It was more like an escalated process that started in 2015 with the attack on pride marches. Now they’re directly targeting LGBTQI organisations, activists and ordinary LGBTQ+ individuals only because they are queer.”

Tar was taken into custody on June 23 and sent to Sincan Prison two days later on allegations of “membership in a terrorist organisation” in the days leading up to the Nato Summit in Ankara. 

After a month in detention, authorities released him alongside several other individuals, including academics. 

Tar had been previously detained on similar allegations in February 2025 and released in May 2025. 

“They tried to criminalise homosexuality by passing a law in parliament, but they couldn’t, due to our efforts. Now they are trying to act as if that law passed,” says Tar.

Ankara also banned access to ÜniKuir’s news site, the Pink Life (Pembe Hayat) Association, the Youth LGBTI+ Association, Lambdaistanbul, the Muamma LGBTI+ Association, and other queer publications.

The ban extended to the social media accounts of actor and trans rights activist Seyhan Arman, and theatre actor and LGBTQ+ activist Zeynep Esmeray Özadikti.

On September 13, a day after the internet bans, police in Ankara raided Kaos GL’s office in the Turkish capital, as well as the apartments of Kaos GL members who served on the association’s supervisory boards.

“They are trying to act as if that law passed”

Read the full article here

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Painting of trader Elihu Yale One bright spring day in early April 2026, I visited Leeds Castle in Kent to see its dog collar museum. Of the 130 “rare and valuable collars” in the museum, about 60 had been collected by John Hunt, a historian and antiquarian, and later gifted to the castle by his wife Gertrude in 1977. A further 70 had been acquired by “purchase and donation”. According to the Leeds Castle website, its collection of historic collars, many dating back to the 17th and 18th centuries “was the largest of its kind on public display anywhere in the world”. Perhaps – if the exhibits were actually dog collars. But as an historian of slavery, my suspicion was that at least some of the items that I had seen on the website were not dog collars at all, but rather collars once worn by enslaved Black and Indian people in Britain as a mark of their servitude. Photographs of exhibits at the museum revealed large collars which match depictions of these slave collars in paintings dating to the late 17th and early 18th century, and I was keen to compare the two first-hand. But I was thwarted. Despite the website’s pronouncement that “Leeds Castle’s Dog Collar Museum is open daily,” the museum had been closed. It seems that at some point the curatorial team at Leeds Castle discovered that their exhibits were not all dog collars, and quietly shut the museum. So quietly they forgot to update the castle’s website. There were good intentions behind this, no doubt. But it was also an act of historical censorship, even if inadvertent – part of a pattern of rewriting Britain’s role in the slave trade, a tendency that has become more pronounced over the past few years. Between 1675 and 1807 Britain was the main importer of slaves to the New World from Africa. After 1807, when Parliament passed the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act, Britain not only ended its involvement in the international slave trade but actively worked to combat it. Nevertheless, its participation in the slave trade is part of British history. How best to engage with this distasteful part of the story is a complex issue, one that British museums and National Trust sites have a duty to consider carefully. My suspicion was that at least some of the items that I had seen on the website were not dog collars at all As historians undertake deeper research into the topic, the extent of Britain’s investment in slavery, both cultural and material, is becoming evident. Suppressing artefacts, which provide evidence distorts history. Silver slave collars are crucial artefacts which speak to that difficult legacy. The Yale Center for British Art in New Haven, Connecticut owns four portraits of Elihu Yale, dating to between 1710 and 1720. Yale, a wealthy merchant and British colonial administrator, was an early donor to the university now named after him. One of these, painted by the Briton James Worsdale and an imposing 2.3 metres tall, is described as Elihu Yale with his Servant. The portrait, clearly intended to depict Yale as a man of substance, shows him being attended to by a Black slave wearing a silver collar around his neck. Until 2007, it hung in the Yale Corporation Room in the university’s Woodbridge Hall, where the Yale Board of Trustees met to decide campus policy, until a student pointed out the incongruity of the painting on social media: not because it existed, but because of how it existed, benignly watching over meetings of the university’s trustees. John Marciari, a curator for the Yale Center for British Art at the time, acknowledged to the local newspaper, the Hartford Courant, that he knew of many other similar paintings, but that these were normally kept off display. Curators at some museums, he continued, “have since painted over the collars to make the art more palatable.” The paintings of Elihu Yale date to when he was part of the circle of courtiers surrounding Queen Anne. They can be viewed on the Center’s website, along with a discussion of the paintings’ historical provenance and context. Slave collars were a real thing at the time and archival evidence testifies to their ubiquity in England itself. Take, for example, an advertisement in popular newspaper The London Postman, from 17 September 1706: “Runaway from his Master about a fortnight since, a lusty Negro Boy about 18 years of age… Had about his neck a silver collar engraved Captain Thomas Mitchel’s Negro, Living Curators at some museums, he continued in Griffin Street in Shadwell.” An exhibit showing collars at Leeds Castle (Steve Vidler/Alamy) Leeds Castle, to be fair, is an unlikely location for a historical reckoning. On the Easter weekend of my visit to the “dog collar museum”, I was greeted on the path towards the castle by a carved wooden dragon, pretend mermaids and other magical creatures for children to discover. A day at the castle is clearly intended to be a fun day out for children and adults alike. Why force happy families to engage with such disturbing things? But this question underscores an important point: careful thought is a basic prerequisite for the display of such artefacts. For some time, the National Trust (NT) has been engulfed in controversy about the best way to display – or not – such artefacts forming part of the collections in many of its houses. The NT’s collection at Dyrham Park near Bristol, for example, includes a pair of stands that display Black men wearing gold collars holding scallops that serve as side tables. These were given to William Blathwayt in 1700 by his uncle, Thomas Povey. Both had been administrators for empire, with Blathwayt serving six kings and queens over almost 50 years. Leeds Castle, to be fair, is an unlikely location for a historical reckoning The curators at Dyrham Park have approached the issue thoughtfully. In a series of introductory exhibits that visitors encounter before entering the house, they frame Blathwayt’s involvement in empire and in slavery carefully, inviting the observer to acknowledge complicity in a deeply problematic and exploitative system. Then before entering the room with the side tables, visitors find a warning sign providing context for what awaits them. By way of contrast, the same stands also appear on the NT’s website along with the rest of the Dyrham Park collection. The item was once listed as “Nubian Slaves” and “Blackamoor Stands” and is now blandly described as “a pair of giltwood and polychrome stands”; here, there is no discussion of the wider context that the stools are a part of. Dyrham Park stands out for the willingness of its curators to confront this difficult past. Elsewhere, censorship by omission is far more commonplace. Indeed, sometimes this is done in the name of anti-racial history. Some Dutch museums, for instance, seem uncomfortable with any racially descriptive words such as “negro”. In 2015, a painting on the website of the RKD Nederlands Institute for Art History by Herman van der Mijn was entitled Portrait of a Lady with a Negro Servant; now it is just Portrait of an Unknown Woman, with a Servant. Dated about 1720, the Black “servant” was wearing a silver collar, marking him as a slave. Like painting over the silver collars in other works, the renaming of this painting to exclude racial signifiers, which makes it more difficult to be found and to be seen, is again a way of censoring an uncomfortable past. Rather than conceal the existence of these silver collars, museums and other repositories of history have a duty to reckon with the past in meaningful ways. We must see the evidence in order to fully understand the battles fought and costs paid to get rid of such a system. To comprehend how the past continues to shape the present – not only for the descendants of those enslaved in Britain’s empire but for all of us – we cannot and should not censor these historical memories. Museums need to explain to the visitor why it is necessary to engage with such material and why it still disturbs. Perhaps it all comes down to the purpose of museums. Are they supposed to be places that are just a fun day out for families, warming the blood with patriotic ardour? Or can they also be places that help us learn and make us think, that educate us about the past in order for us to make better decisions about the future? Here in the USA, as recently as 30 years ago one could go to Charleston in South Carolina and have little idea that slavery was once pervasive there. The one place that did promise some evidence, the site of the former slave market, was closed to the public. While there and elsewhere across the US, prominent museums have opened to address this history, their interpretations are now directly threatened by the Trump administration. These silver collars and their history, are a part of British history too. Morgan Godwyn, an English minister who had served in Virginia and Barbados wrote in 1682 that “Tho but a few were concerned in this horrid Fact” of slavery in Barbados “yet our whole Nation are guilty”. Perhaps he put it too strongly. But slavery did not just stay safely in the colonies. The NT’s 2020 interim report, Connections between Colonialism and Properties, now in the Care of the National Trust, stating that slavery needs to be more carefully acknowledged at Britain’s historic sites, was exactly right. These silver collars and their history, are a part of British history In response to an email query I sent after my visit, Jo Wiltcher, heritage and engagement director at Leeds Castle, confirmed that the dog collar exhibits were completely closed “following a leak in one of the rooms” in December 2022. When the exhibition was partially reopened, the new display only included a few of the collars. In response to my specific query stating that, “I’ve been working on slave collars for more than a decade (part of a much bigger book) and the online pictures indicated to me that some of the collars might actually have once been used for that purpose,” Wiltcher said: “We are aware of, and are actively working on, [a presentation strategy] behind the scenes.” She further stated that researchers could access the collars by special permission. I suspect that their awareness about the problematic provenance of the collars was sparked by the Guardian’s 2021 coverage of an exhibit at Amsterdam’s Rijksmuseum. As Valika Smeulders, the curator for an exhibit in 2021 put it, with regard to a Dutch silver collar dated 1689: “For the longest time people have not wanted to come to terms with the meaning of those collars … they were always described as being dog collars, but if you look at the paintings, the ones wearing those collars are never the dogs, they are the men.” My best guess is that when Leeds Castle realised what they actually possessed, their solution was to quietly, without fanfare, close the dog collar museum, leaving only a dozen collars behind in two small glass display cases in an otherwise empty room. Ironically, this work of erasure is incomplete. Leeds Castle’s website still has a page dedicated to the dog collar museum, enthusiastically describing its collection of “130 rare and valuable collars … which date from the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries”. Affording researchers access is welcome. But it does not fully address the larger issue of setting out the context that led to the existence of these disturbing collars. If Leeds Castle choose not to display them, they should loan them to another museum. Honest curation is certainly possible to do: to frame these artefacts around the complex issues at stake, to show the real bonds and chains, and the structural legal and social system that was racial slavery. Censoring history is not the answer. More generally, the fact that a dog collar museum was open for 50 years with artefacts that were in many cases likely not meant for dogs – that, in fact, likely intended for humans – raises profound questions about how censorship can work as much by omission as by commission. Because of this omission, a difficult history has been hiding all this time in plain sight. READ MORE

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