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Home»News»Media & Culture»Tiniest Crack In The Wall: Senate Votes To Dump Trump’s Vindictive Brazil Tariffs
Media & Culture

Tiniest Crack In The Wall: Senate Votes To Dump Trump’s Vindictive Brazil Tariffs

News RoomBy News Room8 months agoNo Comments4 Mins Read137 Views
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from the a-glimmer dept

For the first time in ten months of near-total congressional capitulation to Trump, five Republican Senators broke ranks on Tuesday, siding with Democrats to block the nonsense tariffs Trump unilaterally declared on Brazil as punishment for their treatment of Trump buddy Jair Bolsonaro.

The US Senate on Tuesday approved a measure that would terminate Donald Trump’s sweeping tariffs on Brazilian imports, including coffee, beef and other products, in a rare bipartisan show of opposition to the president’s trade war.

The legislation passed in a 52-48 vote, with five Republicans – senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Susan Collins of Maine, Rand Paul of Kentucky, Thom Tillis of North Carolina and the former Republican leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky – joining all Democrats in favor.

It’s a very small thing. But given how completely Congress—and particularly the Senate—has rolled over for every Trump demand since January, any defection is notable. And this one is particularly telling about where the cracks might finally start to form.

To understand why this matters, you need to understand just how absurd these particular tariffs were—even by Trump tariff standards.

The President doesn’t have the power to issue tariffs. That’s supposed to be a power reserved for Congress under the Constitution. Trump has been skirting around that by claiming that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) allows him to take certain actions in an emergency regarding trade, but the law does not explicitly allow him to impose tariffs under that authority. The Supreme Court is set to hear the case challenging Trump’s interpretation of IEEPA next week.

But even if SCOTUS somehow blesses this IEEPA theory, the Brazil tariffs are uniquely indefensible. Trump’s other tariffs at least gesture at the fiction that trade deficits constitute emergencies. Economically illiterate, sure, but there’s a pretext.

But we have a trade surplus, rather than a deficit, with Brazil. So, instead, Trump just claimed that the “emergency” was stupid actions by Brazil’s Supreme Court to push for censorship on social media. We’re among those who have called out some of those dumb and censorial decisions by Brazil’s Supreme Court. But that doesn’t make any of them an “emergency.” The other reason given: the fact that Brazil actually prosecuted Trump buddy Jair Bolsonaro for… trying to run a coup on the government. That is… not an emergency that lets Trump issue tariffs.

In other words: Trump declared an economic emergency because a foreign country’s courts made decisions he didn’t like about speech online and because they prosecuted his friend for attempting a coup. He may try to call that trade policy, but everyone can easily see that it’s a personal vendetta dressed up in legal language to give his most adoring fans a weak excuse to defend him.

Of course, the House (should Mike Johnson ever bring it back from vacation) is unlikely to move on this bill, and Trump will veto the bill anyway.

But… it’s one of the first real cracks in the MAGA cult red wall of giving Donald Trump anything the special boy wants. In this second Trump administration, it seems like one of the only times the Senate has actually voted against him.

So why now? Why this particular abuse of power?

Perhaps it’s that at least some Republicans can read polls too. This is the least popular president in modern history, and his policies (even the ones we were always told had popular support) are ridiculously unpopular as well. The Economist’s graphic on this is telling. Trump is negative on… basically everything. By a lot.

And, for stupidly unclear reasons, Congress just keeps letting him do whatever the fuck he wants to do.

The polls are brutal. His policies are historically unpopular. He’s tearing down the White House. He’s made the US into a global laughingstock. He’s sending troops into American cities based on myths his advisors are telling him. There are millions protesting in the streets.

And at some point, the political calculus shifts—even for Republicans in gerrymandered districts who’ve spent ten months scared shitless that the MAGA base will turn on them. Eventually, the risk of being primaried by Trump becomes less scary than the risk of being associated with a deeply unpopular president doing deeply unpopular things for transparently personal reasons.

So, no, this isn’t a big shift. But it’s a little one. An important crack in the wall, which hopefully starts to turn into more.

Filed Under: brazil, donald trump, ieepa, jair bolsonaro, lisa murkowski, mitch mcconnell, rand paul, senate, susan collins, tariffs, thom tillis, tim kaine

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On 25 June 2026, the Banadir Regional Court sentenced me to three years’ imprisonment. I do not admit, and have never admitted, committing any crime. I believe I am being persecuted because of my peaceful statements and opinions that I have expressed, and that the judgment against me was not the product of an independent judicial process free from pressure or interference. I believe that I have been deprived of my rights that were guaranteed to me under the Constitution. I feel that state power has been wrongly used against me and that I am being punished for expressing my views. Nevertheless, I do not want my case to become a tool for political confrontation, social conflict or clan disputes. I do not want any individual or group to use my case to advance their own agenda in ways that could further complicate my situation. I ask only that my case be decided according to the law, credible evidence and justice.   My Concerns About the Handling of My Case My case was initially assigned to a judge who I expected would hear it independently. I was later informed that the case file was taken over by the Chairman of the Banadir Regional Court, who also became the judge responsible for delivering the judgment against me. I believe this raises legitimate questions about the impartiality and independence that can reasonably be expected when a court president presides over a case brought by the very government that appointed him. I Am Not Seeking a Presidential Pardon I wish to make my position absolutely clear. I am not seeking a presidential pardon because I do not admit to committing any offence. A pardon is generally sought by someone who pleads guilty and asks to have a sentence forgiven or reduced. Instead, I seek a fair trial and a judgment based on the law and reliable evidence. I also seek an independent appeal that thoroughly reviews the way my case was handled, the evidence presented, the procedural safeguards afforded to me, and the legal reasoning behind my conviction. I do not want emotional rhetoric or exaggerated statements that could damage my appeal. I do not want my case to be reduced to clan politics or tribal divisions, which would only make my situation more difficult. I do not want anyone to be abused or harmed because of my case. Justice is a public trust and the foundation of every individual, family, society, and state. The judiciary must remain independent from political, social, economic, and clan-based pressure. As Allah says in the Holy Qur’an: Indeed, Allah commands you to return trusts to their rightful owners; and when you judge between people, judge with fairness. What a noble commandment from Allah to you! Surely Allah is all-hearing, all-seeing. (quran: 4:58) Judicial office is not merely an authority to pass judgment; it is a responsibility entrusted by both God and society. Judges must treat all people equally, regardless of power, wealth, clan identity, public office, or personal connections. Before delivering judgment, a judge should remember that the person standing before the court has dignity, a family, children, a life, and constitutional rights deserving of protection. What I Am Asking For In summary, I respectfully request the following: A prompt and independent appeal. I ask that my appeal be heard without delay by an independent court that impartially reviews the judgment, the evidence, and the procedures followed during my trial. An impartial judge. I seek a judge whose decisions are not influenced by the wishes or interests of other officials, and who does not fear losing their position for upholding the law and justice. A clear separation between court administration and the judge making the decision.I request that my appeal be assigned to a judge who does not simultaneously hold senior administrative responsibilities that could create actual or perceived pressure. Justice must not only be done; it must also be seen to be done. Full access to my case file for my lawyers. My legal team should be provided with the complete written judgment, all prosecution evidence, and the records and transcripts of the court proceedings. Immediate medical care. I request an examination by an independent doctor and access to the treatment, medication, and healthcare my condition requires. Consideration of my child’s best interests. The court should carefully consider my infant child’s need for breastfeeding, maternal care, and the impact my absence may have on my child’s health and development. My child is not a party to this case and should not suffer an indirect punishment for circumstances beyond their control. A transparent public appeal hearing. I request that my appeal hearing be open to the public, where permitted by law, so that the proceedings can be observed and public rumors or conflicting reports can be minimised. A judiciary free from social media pressure. I ask for judges who decide cases based on the law and evidence, free from the influence of Facebook, TikTok, or other social media platforms. Judicial decisions should never be driven by popularity, public approval, or the desire to satisfy those in positions of power, but solely by justice and the rule of law. No retaliation in my name. I ask my supporters not to insult others or blame entire families or clans because of my case. I reject responding to injustice with further injustice. My conscience tells me that a victim cannot seek justice by victimising innocent people. 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My Message to the Somali People I ask the Somali public not to turn my case into a source of conflict, clan rivalry, insults, or revenge. I encourage lawyers, religious scholars, women, mothers, journalists, academics, and human rights organisations to support every person’s right to a fair trial. I am not asking for support because I belong to a particular clan. Nor am I asking for support simply because I am a woman. I ask for support because I am a Somali citizen entitled to justice, healthcare, and an independent judiciary. Any one of us may one day stand before a court. If an unfair trial is accepted today, another person may face the same injustice tomorrow, until injustice becomes normalised. Protecting my rights is therefore not only about protecting Sadiyo. It is about protecting the rights of every Somali citizen and safeguarding justice for both present and future generations. Conclusion No one should be oppressed through power, imprisonment, violence, intimidation, censorship, or the misuse of the law. Somalia’s history contains many examples of people imprisoned because of their ideas, their speech, or their political views. My intention is not to compare myself with those who were unjustly treated in the past. Rather, I wish to remind my fellow Somalis that freedom of expression and an independent judiciary are precious values that every generation has a duty to preserve for the next. This letter was first published in English on the website of KaabTV  READ MORE

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