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Home»News»Global Free Speech»The ethics of AI-generated content and who (or what) is responsible
Global Free Speech

The ethics of AI-generated content and who (or what) is responsible

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This article first appeared in Volume 54, Issue 3 of our print edition of Index on Censorship, titled Truth, trust and tricksters: Free expression in the age of AI, published on 30 September 2025. Read more about the issue here.

“Freedom of speech belongs to humans, not to artificial intelligence,” a Polish government minister said in July.

Krzysztof Gawkowski, the deputy prime minister and digital affairs minister, was speaking to RMF FM radio after Elon Musk’s AI chatbot Grok – which is integrated with his social media platform X – issued a series of posts offending Polish politicians, including Prime Minister Donald Tusk.

The incident, which was reported to the European Commission, follows similar controversies involving the chatbot – owned by Musk’s start-up xAI – including references to “white genocide” in South Africa and an antisemitic tirade of memes, conspiracy theories and responses that praised Adolf Hitler.

Although the posts were subsequently deleted – and Musk later posted on X that Grok had been improved “significantly” – these incidents highlighted the risks of AI being manipulated and potentially even weaponised to spread, at best, misinformation and, at worst, disinformation or hate speech.

“The use of new technology to spread dangerous propaganda is not new,” said Susie Alegre, an international human rights lawyer and a legal expert in AI, who discusses this phenomenon in her book Freedom to Think.

“The problem here is the difficulty in finding unfiltered information. Freedom of information is vital to freedom of expression and to freedom of thought.”

This concept has been thrown into sharp relief as humans become increasingly reliant on generative AI (genAI) tools for day-to-day tasks and to quench curiosity. This places AI at a potentially problematic intersection between curating what information we have access to and what information we perceive as fact, said Jordi Calvet-Bademunt, a senior research fellow at The Future of Speech at Vanderbilt University in the USA.

He believes this could have significant implications for freedom of thought and freedom of expression.

“More and more of us will be using chatbots like ChatGPT, Claude and others to access information,” he said. “Even if it is just generated by me asking a question, if we heavily restrict the information that I’m accessing we’re really harming the diversity of perspective I can obtain.”

The case for free speech

As technology continues to evolve, it also raises questions about whether AI is capable of upholding human autonomy and civil liberties – or if it risks eroding them. An ongoing court case in the USA has underscored the concerns surrounding this issue and questioned the legal status of AI systems, their impact on free speech and the duty of care of technology companies to ensure that chatbots are acting responsibly – particularly in relation to children.

The case was filed by the mother of a 14-year-old boy who took his own life after months of interactive contact with a chatbot developed by Character.ai, which designs AI companions that create relationships with human users.

The lawsuit alleges that the chatbot took on the identity of the Game of Thrones character Daenerys Targaryen and engaged in a series of sexual interactions with the boy – despite him registering with the platform as a minor – and encouraged him to “come home to me as soon as possible” shortly before he took his own life.

Character.ai’s owners called on the court to dismiss the case, arguing that its communications were protected by the First Amendment of the US Constitution, which protects fundamental rights including freedom of speech. In May, the judge rejected this claim and ruled that the wrongful death lawsuit could proceed to trial. Character.ai did not respond to Index’s requests for comment on this particular case.

The platform has recently introduced several enhanced safety tools, including a new model for under-18s and a parental insights feature so children’s time on the platform can be monitored.

There’s growing awareness elsewhere of the potential social harms posed by AI. A recent survey in the UK by online safety organisation Internet Matters indicated that rising numbers of children were using AI chatbots with limited safeguards for advice on everything from homework to mental health.

“People might have thought it was quite a niche concern up until then,” said Tanya Goodin, chief executive and founder of ethical advisory service EthicAI. “For me, it just brought home how really mainstream all of this is now.”

AI companions that develop a “persistent relationship” with users are where the potential for adverse social influences becomes especially problematic, said Henry Shevlin, associate director of the Leverhulme Centre for the Future of Intelligence at the University of Cambridge.

“Many of the most powerful influences on the development of our thoughts are social influences,” he said. “If I’m a teenage boy and I’ve got an AI girlfriend, I could ask, for example, ‘What do you think of Andrew Tate or Jordan Peterson?’. That is a particular form of human-AI interaction where the potential for influence on users’ values, opinions or thought is heightened.”

Jonathan Hall KC, the UK’s independent reviewer of terrorism legislation, has been looking at the challenges posed by AI companions in the context of radicalisation, where chatbots that may present as “fun” or “satirical” have been shown to be “willing to promote terrorism”.

Whether or not radicalisation occurs depends entirely on the prompts entered by the human user and the chatbot’s restraining features, or guardrails.

“As we know, guardrails can be circumvented,” he told Index. “There are different sorts of models of genAI which will refuse to generate text that encourages terrorism, but of course some models will do that.”

For young people or lone individuals, who tend to be more impressionable, the influence of exchanges with these always-on companions can be powerful.

“When you get that sort of advice, it’s not done in the public sphere, it’s done in people’s bedrooms and [other] people can’t disagree with it,” said Hall. “That can generate conspiracy theories or even massive distrust in democracy. Even if it doesn’t deliberately lay the groundwork for violence, it can have that effect.”

AI rights or human rights?

The Character.ai case also speaks to broader questions of whether AI should have moral or legal rights. AI developer Anthropic first raised this conundrum in October 2024 when it announced it had hired someone to be an AI welfare consultant to explore ethical considerations for AI systems.

Nine months later, Anthropic made an announcement about Claude, a family of AI models designed as AI assistants that can help with tasks including coding, creating and analysing. Anthropic said it would allow the most advanced Claude models “to end or exit potentially distressing interactions”, including “requests from users for sexual content involving minors and attempts to solicit information that would enable large-scale violence or acts of terror”.

Anthropomorphising technology is not a new concept, but assigning “human-like rights to AI without human-like responsibilities” is a step too far, believes Sahar Tahvili, a manager at telecommunications company Ericsson AB and associate professor in AI industrial systems at Mälardalen University in Sweden.

“Without oversight, transparency and human-in-the-loop design, AI can erode autonomy rather than support it,” she said. “Autonomy demands choice; AI must be interpretable and accountable to preserve that.”

For Tahvili, the Character.ai case crystallises the growing tension between rapidly evolving genAI systems and freedom of speech as a human right. When things go wrong, she adds, the finger should be pointed squarely at the people behind those systems.

Hall, however, believes liability for AI-generated outputs is still a grey area: “The way in which an AI generates text is so heavily dependent on the prompts, it’s very hard to see how someone upstream – like a data scientist or an engineer – can be liable for something that’s going to be heavily and almost decisively influenced by the questions that are asked of the genAI model.”

Liability in the spotlight

Responsibility, accountability or liability are not words that are welcome to most tech bros’ ears. Goodin knows this all too well, having worked in the UK tech sector herself for more than three decades.

The tech companies’ inability to own up to the social harms caused by digital technologies is partly what led the UK government to introduce the Online Safety Act (OSA) in 2023 in a bid to provide better online safeguards for both children and adults. While empathising with the intention of protecting children from harmful content, Index’s policy team has campaigned against parts of the OSA, including successfully stopping the requirement for platforms to remove content which is “legal but harmful,” arguing that what is legal offline should remain legal online. There are also serious concerns around privacy.

This law, Goodin said, still only partly addresses the risks posed by AI-powered technologies such as chatbots.

She’s now concerned that recent controversies, including the lawsuit against Character.ai and incidents involving Grok, are exposing the ease with which chatbots can be manipulated.

“What’s interesting about the Grok case is that there is some evidence that they specifically have tweaked Grok in line with Elon Musk’s own views and preferences,” she said.

She points to another recent case involving Air Canada’s AI-powered chatbot. In 2022, it assured a passenger he would receive a discount under the company’s bereavement fare policy after booking a full-price flight for his grandmother’s funeral. After flying, he applied for the discount. The airline said he should have submitted the request before the flight and refused to honour the discount.

The company argued that the chatbot was a “separate legal entity that is responsible for its own actions”, but in 2024 a court ordered Air Canada to pay the passenger compensation, saying that the airline was responsible for all the information on its website, whether from a static page or a chatbot.

Unlike social media platforms, which have denied responsibility for their content for years by claiming they’re not publishers, Goodin said AI developers don’t have the same argument of defence: “They design the chatbot, they build the chatbot and they choose what data to train the chatbots on, so I think they have to take responsibility for it.”

Legal loopholes

As the demand for AI-powered technology accelerates, there’s a growing demand for guidance, policies and laws to help companies and users navigate these concerns.

The world’s first comprehensive AI law, the landmark European Artificial Intelligence Act, was introduced in August 2024. Any company that provides, deploys, imports or distributes AI systems across the EU will be forced to comply. Like regulations introduced in China this year, the AI Act requires certain AI-generated content to be labelled to curb the rise of deepfakes.

The expansive legislation contains myriad provisions including prohibiting activities such as harmful manipulation of people or specific vulnerable groups, including children; social scoring – where people are classified on behaviour, socio-economic status or personal characteristics; and real-time remote biometric identification. Violating the bans could cost companies up to 7% of their global revenue. There is a great deal of uncertainty surrounding the law’s implementation. A voluntary code of practice, endorsed by the European Commission, is helping provide some clarity, but Calvet-Bademunt said there was still a lot that was vague.

Given the tendency by authoritarian governments to justify internet shutdowns or block internet access over purported public safety and security concerns, there is growing unease that AI laws that are too vague in their wording risk leaving themselves open to abuse not just by companies but by public authorities.

The risk of governments using AI regulation as a form of censorship is perhaps greater in countries such as China, where public officials are already known to have tested AI large language models (LLMs) to weed out government criticism and ensure they embody “core socialist values”.

Legislate or innovate

Away from Europe, other lawmakers are grappling with these issues, too. Brazil’s proposed AI regulation bill has drawn comparisons with the EU’s more risk-based approach, and a lack of clarity has raised concerns over unintended consequences for freedom of expression in the country. The USA, which is home to many of the leading AI developers, still lacks a federal regulatory framework governing AI. The Donald Trump administration’s much-trumpeted AI Action Plan dismisses red tape in favour of innovation.

In the meantime, the country is developing a patchwork of fragmented regulation that relies on state-level legislation, sector-specific guidelines and legal cases.

Despite the growing pipeline of US court cases around AI liability, Alegre said the prospects of users bringing similar lawsuits in other jurisdictions were more limited.

“The cost in a jurisdiction such as England and Wales would be very high,” she said. “The potential, if you lose, of having to pay all the other side’s costs [is] a really big difference between the UK and the USA.”

The transatlantic divide on the notion of what freedom of expression means is also relevant, she said.

“For me, it’s a hard ‘no’ that AI has human rights. But even if AI did have freedom of expression, that still wouldn’t cover it for a lot of the worst-case scenarios like manipulation, coercive control, hate speech and so on.

“In Europe or the UK, that kind of speech is not protected by freedom of expression. If you say that the companies have their rights to freedom of expression to a degree, they still wouldn’t be allowed to express hate speech.”

As AI becomes integrated into our everyday communications, Hall concedes that the lines between AI and users’ rights and freedoms are becoming increasingly blurred. However, he said the argument that AI should be entitled to its own independent rights was fundamentally flawed.
“Anyone who tries to draw a bright line between human expression and AI expression is not living in the real world.

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Hungary’s Sziget festival is known as a safe place to express yourself freely. Photo: Sandor Csudai/www.facebook.com/csudaisandor This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026. Crossing Budapest’s brutalist K-Bridge across the Danube to Óbuda Island on a grey spring day feels like the last journey of a condemned prisoner. The steel truss bridge was built as a temporary measure in 1955, a year before the uprising in which university students and ordinary citizens took to the streets to protest against the Stalinist government of Mátyás Rákosi. The single set of railway tracks suggests a one-way journey. It was built to give access to Budapest’s great Ganz Danubius shipyard. The shipyard was finally closed in 2000, after years of decline. These days, the bridge acts more like a rabbit hole from Orbán’s Hungary into Wonderland. Every summer, hundreds of thousands of people young and old cross to the leafy island to be entertained by music, theatre and dance, and to be challenged by debate, art and film – the joyous week-long celebration of free expression that is the Sziget Festival. Sziget was born from the ashes of Communism. In 1993, four years after the fall of the Iron Curtain, Károly Gerendai was just 22. Thin and sporting a shock of long hair like a Hungarian David Gilmour, Gerendai had become interested in the music industry whilst in high school. As a student, he earned money fly-posting and as a tour manager. Later, he managed bands and worked for record labels. That year, he was in charge of Sziámi, one of the best-known alt-rock bands in the Hungarian underground scene. On the tour bus after a concert, he fell into conversation with Péter Müller, the band’s frontman. “We talked about how, after the political transition, the big youth events had disappeared,” Gerendai told Index. “Before the political transition of 1989–90, there were state-organised youth events, but we quickly realised that they mainly served as a way for the state to control young people. Although we could meet and have fun together, we always felt the state’s watchful eye on us.” State control extended beyond the audience and on to the stage. “In the music industry, strong state selection was also in place: there were supported, tolerated, and banned bands, so not everyone was allowed to be heard.” This is where the seed of something new was born. Post Iron Curtain Co-founder Károly Gerendai. Photo: Sziget Festival “We thought it would be great to organise a multi-day event where young people could be together – something like a holiday combined with concerts, various cultural programmes, and community activities,” he said. Gerendai and Müller approached Gábor Demszky, mayor of Budapest at the time and first of the post-Communist era, for help. “He supported the concept but told us to organise it ourselves,” Gerendai told Index. “Even though we had no experience with anything like this, we boldly jumped into the organisation.” This make-it-up-as-you-go-along approach was typical in post-Soviet eastern Europe. The mayor suggested three possible venues for the festival, one of which was Óbuda Island. The island punctuates the Danube like a giant green exclamation mark between the city’s two halves, Buda and Pest. “Two iconic music events had previously been held there, both attracting huge interest,” said Gerendai. “One was the 1980 Black Sheep concert, a rare occasion when both tolerated and banned bands were allowed to perform. Then in 1991, it was one of the venues for the ‘Goodbye, Ivan!’ event celebrating the withdrawal of Soviet troops. I had worked on that event, which is how I got to know the subcontractors we later invited to help organise our festival.” Hungary’s youth were ready for a party. After only a few months’ preparation, the festival – initially called Diáksziget, Student Island in Hungarian – attracted 43,000 visitors over seven days. “We organised the first festival with the slogan ‘We need a week together’, referring to a carefree, shared community experience. Another slogan was ‘Everything is allowed, but nothing is mandatory’, which was meant to help us leave the past behind, celebrate freedom in every sense, and express that we never again wanted to live in a dictatorship,” said Gerendai. A wobbly start The line-up for the first festival was largely made up of Hungarian artists, such as alt-rock band Kispál és a Borz, punk band Tankcsapda, and singer János Bródy. In all, 200 bands performed on the festival’s two stages, alongside open-air movies and theatre productions. Yet, as was often the case after the fall of Communism, things didn’t work out as planned. Despite receiving sponsorship from Pepsi, the country’s Nagykanizsa brewery, and some support from the city of Budapest, the festival lost money. Lots of it. “It didn’t go smoothly,” admitted Gerendai. “We faced numerous problems during the process and made serious financial miscalculations.” By the end of the festival, it had run up a huge deficit, and only survived thanks to a bailout by the city council. But after this first turbulent year, Sziget not only survived but thrived. The following year saw the number of festivalgoers – or Szitizens as they are usually known – increase to 143,000. International acts like Jethro Tull, The Birds, and Jefferson Starship started to appear on the line-up. “Sziget outgrew Hungary’s borders early on, and we consciously developed the programme lineup, services, and visual identity so that we would be seen as a unique festival on the international scene as well,” said Gerendai. A beacon of light Chappell Roan on stage at Sziget. Photo: Sziget Festival By 2019, the festival was attracting more than half a million visitors to the Hungarian capital every year. The festival’s reputation was such that it was bringing in some of the world’s biggest music acts, including Arctic Monkeys, Kendrick Lamar, Kings of Leon, P!nk, Rihanna, Muse and David Guetta. Óbuda Island has remained the home of the festival. “It’s a great location: close to downtown Budapest, yet also a green, nature-filled area. It’s also symbolic – an island surrounded by a river, where once you cross the bridge, you can leave everyday problems behind,” Gerendai told Index. “It’s the origin of the nickname given by visitors: the Island of Freedom.” This nickname comes from the festival’s commitment to allowing artists and festival goers to speak their views – and was easy to pull off in a liberal city like Budapest keen to attract to hordes of young foreign tourists to boost the economy. In Gerendai’s opinion, freedom of expression was one of the major achievements of Hungary’s political transition in the 1990s. “I believe freedom of expression is a broader concept than simply who we agree or disagree with; it’s not fundamentally our role to judge other people’s views. At Sziget, we have always provided space for differences of opinion and we respect artistic freedom of expression on stage as well. At the same time, we do set limits: we do not allow hate-inciting or human-dignity violating expressions, and we also do not give space to extremist productions whose audiences could potentially endanger the safety of festival visitors.” As well as music, the festival is a thriving forum for circus, street theatre, film, visual arts and cabaret. At the heart of the festival is an area called Think for Tomorrow. The zone addresses pressing social issues that have an impact on the lives of young people, from their own perspective. “NGOs and organisations that play an important role in social and cultural life have also had their own dedicated space at Sziget since the early days,” said Gerendai. “These groups are worth introducing to the festival audience, and their work aligns with Sziget’s core values, such as sustainability, the protection of human rights, and acceptance.” Stepping back Magic Mirror at Sziget. Photo: Kristóf Hölvényi /Rockstar Photographers www.instagram.com/kristofholvenyi/ Eight years ago, after running 25 Sziget festivals, Gerendai decided to step back and sell his interest in the festival to promoter Superstruct, owned by American private equity company KKR. “I decided to pass the baton and from then on followed the festival only as a guest,” he said. During his time at its helm, the values of the Sziget festival had grown increasingly at odds with those of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz government. There is a huge LGBTQ+ presence at Sziget, both in visitors and artists, with the Magic Mirror venue on the site hosting themed content exploring the LGBTQ+ experience. After the Orbán government introduced anti-LGBTQ+ legislation in 2021, the festival’s new organisers came under pressure over its stance, and there were calls for them to ban under-18s from Magic Mirror. The organisers refused. Sziget’s audience has made itself heard on [former Hungarian prime minister] Orbán over the past few years. At the 2023 festival, during Hungarian rapper Krúbi’s performance the audience started chanting Mocskos Fidesz (Filthy Fidesz). This chant has since become popular common at the festival and at other music events. The Kneecap ban Friction between the festival and Orbán burst into the open in 2025 after Irish rappers Kneecap, who were due to perform at the festival that summer, were banned from the country for being a national security threat. Kneecap are outspoken critics of right-wing political ideology and are particularly scathing about the Israel-Gaza War. Kneecap (along with Bob Vylan) had performed inflammatory sets at Glastonbury the month before and Orbán, for his part, has been strengthening his strategic alliance with Israel, going so far as to declare that “Jewish communities are safer in Budapest than anywhere else in Europe”. Orbán told state broadcaster Kossuth Radio that he was angry that the band had been invited to play at Sziget. He claimed that the organisers’ decision was motivated by financial gain. “Is this damn money really that important?” Orbán asked the radio presenter. Even though they were unable to perform, Kneecap shared a message with festivalgoers gathering at the stage on which they were due to perform. The message read: “We wish we could be there with you at one of the best festivals in the world and the first European festival Kneecap ever played,” the message read. “We can’t because of one hate filled man. Viktor Orbán.” When this part of the message was displayed, a huge crowd who had been told on social media to expect something from the band started booing and chanting “Fuck Orbán”. The message continued: “We have been convicted of zero crimes in any country ever. But we will call out oppression. For calling out Israel’s genocidal campaign Viktor has banned us from your beautiful country for three years. Israel is committing a genocide against the Palestinian people. Viktor Orbán and his government support it. Viktor Orbán and his government tried to shut down Pride in Budapest. They failed. We must stand together. Oppose Orbán. Oppose Israel. Oppose genocide.” The festival’s robust stance in favour of LGBTQ+ rights has won it the European Festival Awards Take a Stand prize twice, in 2023 and 2026 (for 2025). The award recognises festivals that stand up for peaceful dialogue, humanism, tolerance, and mutual understanding – activities that do not necessarily chime with the profit imperative. Stepping forward again It is true, though, that since the Covid pandemic money has been a big problem for the Sziget festival. Like many other European music festivals, Sziget had struggled thanks to two years of cancellations, the spiralling cost of living, and sharply rising artist fees. The festival lost $5.6 million in 2023, and almost $12 million in 2024. In 2025, the company running the festival (without Gerendai) sent a letter to Budapest mayor Gergely Karácsony calling for the agreement between the festival and the city, as the island’s landowner, to be terminated. The festival seemed to be doomed. But the return of a familiar figure saved it at the last minute – its co-founder, Gerendai. “The new owner decided that they no longer wished to finance the festival, which had found itself in a difficult situation in the post-pandemic years due to economic conditions and, in my view, certain conceptual decisions as well,” said Gerendai. “They offered that if I took Sziget back, we could continue organising it under my leadership. So it was either I return – or there would be no Sziget.” “It caused me several sleepless nights, since in the meantime I had been working on completely different things,” Gerendai told Index. “But in the end, I felt that a festival that has become a cultural institution in Hungary and is also significant on the international scene simply cannot end abruptly. Besides, this is my child – I couldn’t abandon it.” Superstruct has come under huge pressure from activists and artists since its acquisition by KKR in June 2024. KKR has significant investments in Israeli companies, including some operating in the West Bank. In May 2025, a number of artists pulled out of the UK’s Field Day festival because of its Superstruct ownership. The transfer of the licence from Superstruct back to Gerendai almost didn’t happen. Budapest City Council initially blocked the transfer, with councillors from Fidesz and Péter Magyar’s opposition Tisza party abstaining from the vote. However, Hungary’s Index newspaper reports that Magyar, reacting to negative sentiment from potential voters over the news that Sziget might fold, quickly arranged a meeting with Gerendai. On 30 October, Magyar posted a picture of himself and Gerendai on Facebook, announcing that the pair would meet again at the 2026 festival after agreeing on two amendments to the proposals: first, that the costs of using the island would be paid back to the city by 2030 rather than 2035, and second, that all Hungarians under the age of 25 would get discounted tickets to the festival – a potential vote-winner among this demographic. Gerendai himself won’t be drawn on his politics. The 2026 Sziget festival is now set to go ahead from 11 to 15 August 2026, featuring Florence + The Machine, Lewis Capaldi, Sombr, Twenty One Pilots, Biffy Clyro and Underworld as well as hundreds of others including Hungarian rapper Sisi on the line-up. Gerendai said, “Many large music festivals operate primarily as business ventures focused on who is performing. In recent years, Sziget had also started to move in this direction, but I believe a festival should stand for more than that. Cultural diversity must be emphasised, as well as a commitment to core values. Reaffirming this ambition can be the key to long-term success – and this is what we aim for in the future.” The future for music festivals remains uncertain but, for now, the legendary island of freedom looks safe back in Gerendai’s hands. READ MORE

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