Close Menu
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
Trending

Making Sense Of The Chief Justice’s Tango In The Ballroom Case

8 minutes ago

Supreme Court Allows White House Ballroom Construction to Go Forward, at Least for Now

1 hour ago

Bitcoin Holds Steady as US Strikes on Iran Rattle Stocks and Lift Oil

2 hours ago
Facebook X (Twitter) Instagram
Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Market Data Newsletter
Tuesday, September 1
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Home»News»Global Free Speech»Senegal rebel leader rejects prosecution claims against journalist René Capain Bassène
Global Free Speech

Senegal rebel leader rejects prosecution claims against journalist René Capain Bassène

News RoomBy News Room4 months agoNo Comments8 Mins Read2 Views
Share Facebook Twitter Pinterest Copy Link LinkedIn Tumblr Email VKontakte Telegram
Senegal rebel leader rejects prosecution claims against journalist René Capain Bassène
Share
Facebook Twitter Pinterest Email Copy Link

Listen to the article

0:00
0:00

Key Takeaways

Playback Speed

Select a Voice

A key Senegalese rebel leader, César Atoute Badiate, has broken his silence on jailed journalist René Capain Bassène, refuting the prosecution’s claim that Bassène was a militant fighting for independence of the Casamance region who incited him to murder 14 illegal loggers in 2018. 

“René Capain Bassène is neither an MFDC representative nor a leader to give me orders [to kill],” said Badiate, who heads one of the main factions of the separatist Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC), in his first public statement about the case.

“He was neither a member nor a spokesman for the MFDC. I knew him as a journalist and writer,” he wrote to CPJ in March, from exile in neighboring Guinea-Bissau where he is negotiating a peace deal with Senegalese authorities.  

A former U.S. envoy to the Casamance, Mark Boulware, also expressed shock that “a real journalist” with deep knowledge about one of Africa’s longest running armed conflicts was handed down a life sentence, while a respected local academic, Paul Diédhiou, told CPJ that Bassène had been a “victim of demonization” in the media, even though his balanced reporting was crucial in documenting Senegal’s history.

One of Senegal’s worst miscarriages of justice

René Capain Bassène’s wife, Odette Victorine Coly, holds a banner requesting a presidential pardon for the journalist during President Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye’s visit to Ziguinchor in December 2025. The banner reads, “Presidential pardon for René Capain Bassène.” (Photo: Courtesy of René Capain Bassène’s family)

CPJ regards Bassène’s prosecution as one of Senegal’s worst miscarriages of justice, where a journalist and author, who has devoted his life to understanding and ending the conflict, is in jail for a crime he could never have committed. 

On June 13, 2022, a Casamance court found Bassène guilty of complicity in murder, attempted murder, and criminal association for the execution of 14 men illegally collecting wood in the protected Bayottes forest, near Ziguinchor, Casamance’s largest town.

CPJ’s podcast presents extensive new evidence about Bassène’s conviction, including interviews with several former co-defendants — all acquitted in 2022 — who said they were forced, through beatings and electric shocks, to falsely implicate Bassène. It raises serious questions about the integrity of a case that has become one of West Africa’s most emblematic press freedom concerns. 

Listen to the podcast René Capain Bassène, wrongly convicted, which examines the journalist’s life, career, and trial, through the voices of those involved. 

CPJ’s 2025 investigation also revealed significant flaws in the trial, with some witnesses who didn’t even know Bassène signing transcripts of interviews that had been altered to include inaccurate information, doubts about emails allegedly sent from the journalist’s account, and the geolocation of his phone at the time of the murders remains disputed. 

Four people told CPJ they saw Bassène in Ziguinchor on the afternoon of the killings, one of whom said they watched a football match together. Bassène also told CPJ that he was stripped naked, beaten until he lost hearing in one ear, and electrocuted on the genitals during questioning. 

Despite this, the Supreme Court upheld Bassène’s life sentence.

“Enough is enough,” said Bassène’s wife, Odette Victorine Coly, who has raised their four children alone since 2018. “His children need their father’s love … His unjust detention has gone on for far too long.”

Sign CPJ’s petition calling on Senegal’s President Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye to right a monumental miscarriage of justice by releasing Bassène here.

A leading expert in Casamance conflict

Separatists belonging to the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC) arrive ahead of the release of seven captured Senegalese soldiers at an abandoned settlement, Baipal in Gambia on February 14, 2022. Separatist rebels from Senegal's southern Casamance region on Monday handed over seven Senegalese soldiers whom they had captured three weeks ago, AFP reporters saw, demanding nothing in return.
MFDC rebels arrive in Gambia in 2022 to hand over seven Senegalese soldiers whom they had captured three weeks earlier. (Photo: AFP/ Muhamadou Bittaye)

Bassène is a leading expert in the Casamance conflict, which began in 1982 amid longstanding grievances over marginalization. Bassène’s interest in the uprising was personal: his family was displaced from their village on the frontline.

Through hundreds of interviews with separatists and soldiers alike, and across three books, Bassène shed light on the roots and drivers of the conflict.

In his message to CPJ, Badiate recalled that Bassène had interviewed him for a radio show, “Carrefour de la paix” (Crossroads of peace), on local Zig FM, which focuses on resolving the conflict — one of many encounters between the two men.

MFDC leader César Atoute Badiate (right) is seen in an undated photo.
MFDC leader César Atoute Badiate (right) is seen in an undated photo. (Screenshot: Groupe Médias du Sud/YouTube)

While Bassène has spent the last eight years behind bars, Badiate has met freely with Senegalese authorities. Despite an international arrest warrant for his 2022 conviction in absentia on the same charges, Badiate met government officials to sign a peace agreement in August 2022 and a follow-up seven-point plan in February 2025.

“His absence, facilitated by Senegal’s unwillingness to bring him to trial, deprived me of a unique opportunity to prove my innocence,” Bassène told CPJ from his prison in Senegal’s capital, Dakar.

The MFDC has denied involvement in the massacre — one of the most violent incidents since the signing of peace deals in 2004 and 2014 — for which no group has claimed responsibility.

MFDC members Louis Tendeng and Samba Goudiaby, who introduced Bassène to Badiate, also told CPJ that the journalist never belonged to the movement. Instead, he sought their help in interviewing MFDC members as part of his research.

Boulware: ‘I never felt him taking sides’

Ambassador Boulware, a career diplomat appointed in 2014 by the Obama administration as a special representative for Casamance, described Bassène as an “invaluable resource” in his work to bolster the peace process.

René Capain Bassène speaks at a conference in this undated photo.
René Capain Bassène speaks at a conference in this undated photo. (Photo: Courtesy of René Capain Bassène’s family)

“René was completely independent, a real journalist who wanted to describe what he saw and inform the public about the stakes of the conflict. I never felt him taking sides,” he told CPJ. “He was among the most informed about the conflict, with a perfect mastery of the actors and the different issues … The accusation of being the mastermind of such an operation seemed laughable to me. It didn’t make sense.”

Similarly, Diédhiou, a professor of sociology at the University of Ziguinchor, told CPJ that the smearing of Bassène’s reputation after his arrest was completely unjustified.   

“It is regrettable because he was the victim of demonization in the media. He was highly objective; when you read his work, it is impossible to say that he favors one side over another,” said Diédhiou. “René’s work — and I hope he is continuing to write from where he is — is part of Senegal’s history, which will disappear if these testimonies are not preserved.”

Bassène’s 2013 book profiled the rebellion’s late founder Augustin Diamacoune Senghor, while his second included testimonies from over 200 local people, from fighters to civilians. His third book, “Casamance: When will there be peace?,” published in 2017, highlighted the intransigence of both government and rebel negotiating positions. 

“His works helped me a lot because I had sketched in my work the rarely studied problem of the individual motivations of the rebels. This is a blind spot in academic research that René has tried to highlight,” said Diédhiou.

Bassène: ‘My life is under greater threat than ever’

Men pray next to a coffin during a burial in a cemetery in the regional capital Ziguinchor, southern Senegal on January 7, 2018 following an attack by armed men in the Bayotte forest. A ministerial fact-finding mission was headed to Casamance in southern Senegal on January 7, after 13 youths were killed in the first upsurge in violence in the isolated region in years. The youths were collecting wood in the Bayotte forest, 20 kilometres (12 miles) from the regional capital Ziguinchor, "when they were attacked by an armed band of 15 people", army spokesman Abdou Ndiaye told AFP. A source in Ziguinchor said that 13 were killed and two were able to escape, with Ndiaye adding that seven others were injured in the attack. (Photo by SEYLLOU / AFP)
Men pray next to a coffin in Ziguinchor on January 7, 2018, following the forest attack that Bassène was accused of masterminding. (Photo: AFP/ Seyllou)

In the introduction to his 2017 book, Bassène revealed that he was facing intensifying threats. 

“Since 2004, I have hesitated to include, in my various writings and statements, certain facts related to the war,” he wrote. “But now that my life is under greater threat than ever from all sides, I have no choice but to publish certain accounts,” he said, referring to a section of the book detailing violent abuses against civilians.

Such reputational attacks are common to local war reporters whose work challenges official narratives. 

Ibrahima Gassama, presenter of the Zig FM show where Bassène once interviewed Badiate, has also been harassed for trying to report the story fairly from all sides. He was one of six journalists working for Sud FM who were detained in 2005 after broadcasting an interview with an MFDC leader.

“Covering the conflict is like being between a rock and a hard place, especially for us who are on the ground in Ziguinchor, watched as much by the army as by the MFDC,” said Gassama, who regularly invited Bassène on the show and said they carried out “journalistic missions together” to the field. 

CPJ’s letters requesting comment from the gendarmerie and Defense Minister Birame Diop’s offices in mid-April, as well as text messages and phone calls to presidential spokesperson, Ousseynou Ly, and government spokesperson, Marie Rose Khady Fatou Faye, did not receive any replies.

Read the full article here

Fact Checker

Verify the accuracy of this article using AI-powered analysis and real-time sources.

Get Your Fact Check Report

Enter your email to receive detailed fact-checking analysis

5 free reports remaining

Continue with Full Access

You've used your 5 free reports. Sign up for unlimited access!

Already have an account? Sign in here

Share. Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIn Tumblr Email Telegram Copy Link
News Room
  • Website
  • Facebook
  • X (Twitter)
  • Instagram
  • LinkedIn

The FSNN News Room is the voice of our in-house journalists, editors, and researchers. We deliver timely, unbiased reporting at the crossroads of finance, cryptocurrency, and global politics, providing clear, fact-driven analysis free from agendas.

Related Articles

Global Free Speech

CPJ calls on Tunisia to release imprisoned journalists amid deadly heatwave

7 hours ago
Global Free Speech

CPJ, partners demand answers on disappeared Yemeni journalist Waheed al-Sufi

2 days ago
Global Free Speech

Cuban journalist given 2 months to leave country for practicing journalism

3 days ago
Global Free Speech

London’s Africa Centre faces closure Earlier this month, I was saddened to learn that The Africa Centre in London may once again be shutting its doors. It won’t be the first time the centre has had to close – but it may be the last time, although the chief executive is still hopeful he can raise the millions of pounds needed to save it. There’s no point dwelling on the reasons, speculative or factual, behind its current crisis. I did though, looking through a list of its recent events, feel a pang of guilt. I could have done more to support The Africa Centre – turning up, talking to people about it, taking cognisance of the real value it has added over the years to London’s political and social life. When the Africa Centre was founded in 1961, its primary objective was to “educate about, connect to and [advocate] for Africa and its diaspora through arts, innovation, culture, thought leadership and education”. In 1964 it found a home in London’s Covent Garden – the Catholic church purchased an old tomato warehouse on King Street and gifted it “to the people of Africa in perpetuity”. When my parents emigrated to the United Kingdom in the mid-1960s, The Africa Centre was one of the very few places where people like them could find space to negotiate the cultural and social differences between them and the unfamiliar wider world. This process of cultural pollination process worked both ways, mind. Intellectuals, activists and dissidents from across the continent spoke at King Street about the political challenges faced by post-colonial African countries, educating curious audiences who wanted to learn more about a part of the world that for many was at best a construct of the imagination, if even that. For two days last June, the London Archives presented to the public a cross-section of documents, photographs and ephemera from its Africa Centre Collection. The archives were a revealing and at times startling record of political and social openness and curiosity. On one table, a poster from 1968 announced a talk about The Future of the Portuguese Territories – long before Angola and Mozambique became proxy battlegrounds for the Cold War between the Soviets and the West. From 1970, an invitation to a talk by Mrs Lydia Osiyemi, “sociology student and mother”, about The African mother and child in Britain. Judging from the poster (left), I fancy that Mrs Osiyemi’s talk was proposing African solutions to a dilemma that remains very real today – to London’s new arrivals and veterans alike. And then, from the early 1990s, in the centre’s guest book (below right), a tribute from a vanguard of democracy. “I pay tribute to those who founded this institution, and those who run it,” the scrawly script read. “This is …  a major cultural shop-window for Africa of which every African should be proud.” The author: “M.K.O. Abiola of Africa.” The Nigeria I grew up in the 1980s and 1990s, after my parents moved back there for a while, was defined by the ever-present cloud of military dictatorship. I can say that now, in hindsight; it’s strange how one normalises the abnormal when we have nothing to compare it against. When Abiola, a business magnate and politician, ran for president in Nigeria in 1993 for a short while it seemed that the country would escape its history of ethnic strife. But then the military snatched victory from him and imprisoned him, extending their malign grip on the country for another half decade. The BAFTA-winning My Father’s Son is set against the backdrop of that very period. A generation before this, the Africa at the Pictures film festival curated by the centre had offered London similar context to political and social concerns across the continent. Abiola’s entry reminded me that it was in the London, on King Street, that I first began to think more clearly about the right to free expression and what happens when this is curtailed. When Chinua Achebe’s Anthills of the Savannah, an acerbic observation on life under military dictatorship in a fictional west African country, was shortlisted for the Booker in 1987 it couldn’t be bought in Nigeria. I got hold of my copy in London – in the Africa Centre’s cramped and musty bookshop, stuffed with books on and from the continent. It wasn’t all high-minded intellectualism on King Street. The Africa Centre was home to one of the few restaurants in London featuring cuisine from here and there across the continent – Mauritian lamb curry, Algerian couscous, fried plantain and boiled yam. Cost? Dishes were, according to a caption, “between 20p and £3”. Happy days. (An early menu is shown below left). In 2012, the Africa Centre left Covent Garden. Maintaining the Grade II-listed building proved too expensive, some said. Perhaps more to the point, it was no longer a good fit for the commercialised ambience that had sprung up around Covent Garden. The historic building on King Street was sold, and with the support of the Mayor of London and the Arts Council, the Centre relocated itself across the river in 2022, to new premises in Southwark. The last time I was there, in the summer of 2023, was to see a fascinating multi-floor exhibition about Nigeria’s Fuji music. Once again, I was surprised and delighted to learn in the Africa Centre something new about my childhood home, so very far away from it. London of the 1980s and 1990s was nothing like the crucible of cultures that it is today. While migrant communities were not quite silenced, they certainly did not have the right to a voice in the public sphere such as they do today. We complain, correctly, about febrile attempts to exclude inconvenient minority voices from the general discourse today. But we don’t, unfortunately, acknowledge enough the real contribution that physical community spaces, big and small, have made over the years to give London the cultural texture and viscera that makes the challenging and contradictory but still very charming city that it is. I’m going to miss the Africa Centre when it’s gone, and places like it, that helped shaped a city where the right to free expression is still, on the whole, seen to be a good thing. READ MORE

3 days ago
Global Free Speech

Photo: Sergio Kian/UnSplash There are many things to adore about China. The high-speed rail networks are great. Zooming from Shanghai international airport into the city at 431 km per hour is an extraordinary experience. The food is varied and delicious. While the country has a problem with sexual and domestic abuse within relationships, the streets are very safe. I miss being able to walk home at any hour down a dark lane without clutching keys in my hands. I could go on and many in fact do. A current trend – Chinamaxxing – sees young people from the West in thrall to China and taking to social media to say as such. One choice phrase is: “You met me at a very Chinese time in my life.” Chinamaxxers often overlook or downplay the negative parts of the country. The retort will typically be: “our countries aren’t perfect”. And they’re right. Europe, the UK and the USA do have problems, ones we often point out at Index. Still, some perspective is needed. We’re not talking about sporadic violations; we’re talking about systematic abuse at scale. I was bemused by an article in The New World this week interviewing a Chinamaxxer who had to change his VPN three times just to do the interview and muffle his voice when speaking about Tibet and Tiananmen Square. In the UK, a VPN is still very much a choice, not a requirement, and speaking quietly is usually done out of respect to neighbours and noise pollution, rather than from a fear you’re being spied on and could receive a knock at the door. I wonder too what the Chinamaxxers make of the fact that Gao Zhen, a prominent Chinese-American artist known for provocative sculptures of Mao Zedong, was sentenced Tuesday to three years in prison for slandering China’s “heroes and martyrs”? I wonder what they’d make of Guo Degang, lauded for his comedy on the national stage, now being investigated for allegedly improvising parts of a patriotic song? How would they respond to a new report from the International Campaign for Tibet, which showed how Beijing is tightening its grip on the region further, the recently passed and euphemistically labelled Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress Law helping here? In Hong Kong, activist Chow Hang-tung was convicted simply for organising Tiananmen vigils. A letter from her published by us spoke of the subtle torture of handcuffs designed to constrict and contort the body. Thoughts on this? And what about the woman who was arrested outside the same courtroom for wearing a t-shirt with Japanese characters, which were apparently deemed seditious? These are just some examples from the last week. This isn’t a case of whataboutery. I’m not asking Chinamaxxers to comment on the rights record of Venezuela or Belarus. I’m not even asking them to remark on all these individual cases. But for those who call themselves spiritually Chinese, to bypass the bad and the ugly in favour of just the good is either wilful ignorance, self-censorship or both. READ MORE

4 days ago
Global Free Speech

Ugandan journalist Remmy Asiteza detained on `fake news’ charges

4 days ago
Add A Comment

Comments are closed.

Editors Picks

Supreme Court Allows White House Ballroom Construction to Go Forward, at Least for Now

1 hour ago

Bitcoin Holds Steady as US Strikes on Iran Rattle Stocks and Lift Oil

2 hours ago

EFF to Governor Newsom: Veto California’s AB 1709

2 hours ago

Learned Hand’s Reflections On His Professors

2 hours ago
Latest Posts

Ben Ryan on Controversial Journalism and Jason Arday

2 hours ago

Russia’s Sberbank Sees $46 Billion in Crypto Trading, Plans Ethereum and USDT-Backed Loans

3 hours ago

White Supremacists Spin DOJ’s SPLC Indictment To Legitimize Extremism & Expand Recruitment

3 hours ago

Subscribe to News

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

At FSNN – Free Speech News Network, we deliver unfiltered reporting and in-depth analysis on the stories that matter most. From breaking headlines to global perspectives, our mission is to keep you informed, empowered, and connected.

FSNN.net is owned and operated by GlobalBoost Media
, an independent media organization dedicated to advancing transparency, free expression, and factual journalism across the digital landscape.

Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
Latest News

Making Sense Of The Chief Justice’s Tango In The Ballroom Case

8 minutes ago

Supreme Court Allows White House Ballroom Construction to Go Forward, at Least for Now

1 hour ago

Bitcoin Holds Steady as US Strikes on Iran Rattle Stocks and Lift Oil

2 hours ago

Subscribe to Updates

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

© 2026 GlobalBoost Media. All Rights Reserved.
  • Privacy Policy
  • Terms of Service
  • Our Authors
  • Contact

Type above and press Enter to search. Press Esc to cancel.

🍪

Cookies

We and our selected partners wish to use cookies to collect information about you for functional purposes and statistical marketing. You may not give us your consent for certain purposes by selecting an option and you can withdraw your consent at any time via the cookie icon.

Cookie Preferences

Manage Cookies

Cookies are small text that can be used by websites to make the user experience more efficient. The law states that we may store cookies on your device if they are strictly necessary for the operation of this site. For all other types of cookies, we need your permission. This site uses various types of cookies. Some cookies are placed by third party services that appear on our pages.

Your permission applies to the following domains:

  • https://fsnn.net
Necessary
Necessary cookies help make a website usable by enabling basic functions like page navigation and access to secure areas of the website. The website cannot function properly without these cookies.
Statistic
Statistic cookies help website owners to understand how visitors interact with websites by collecting and reporting information anonymously.
Preferences
Preference cookies enable a website to remember information that changes the way the website behaves or looks, like your preferred language or the region that you are in.
Marketing
Marketing cookies are used to track visitors across websites. The intention is to display ads that are relevant and engaging for the individual user and thereby more valuable for publishers and third party advertisers.