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Home»News»Media & Culture»Cambridge Decriminalizes Sex Work—Sort Of
Media & Culture

Cambridge Decriminalizes Sex Work—Sort Of

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In a near unanimous vote, city council members in Cambridge, Massachusetts, adopted a policy order suggesting that local law enforcement authorities shouldn’t arrest or prosecute sex workers.

With eight members voting yes and one voting present during the council’s October 5 meeting, the new policy aims to “let folks in our community know that we do stand in support of not arresting or prosecuting people who sell sex,” as Councilor Patricia M. Nolan put it.

You are reading Sex & Tech, from Elizabeth Nolan Brown. Get more of Elizabeth’s sex, tech, bodily autonomy, law, and online culture coverage.

The order’s stipulation with regard to sex customers, however, is unclear. And what practical effect it will have is uncertain, since Cambridge City Council members can’t change Massachusetts state law, under which both buying and selling sex are still crimes.

The new policy order states that it is the council’s “belief that the arrest of adult persons for consensual sex work should continue to be amongst the lowest law enforcement priorities for the City of Cambridge” and that “the Middlesex County District Attorney should cease prosecution of persons for consensual adult sex work and cease prosecution of persons who provide support services to sex workers absent unlawful means.”

The district attorney’s office does not have to take this recommendation, of course. Still, it seems meaningful that government officials are urging prosecutors to adopt some level of decriminalization policy when it comes to prostitution. The Cambridge City Council isn’t even the first in the area to do so. “In 2019, Somerville City Council voted to direct Somerville police not to arrest sex workers,” Cambridge Day points out.

Originally, some Cambridge authorities wanted to go even further. An earlier draft of the order urged “the State House to support efforts to achieve the full decriminalization of consensual adult sex work statewide,” but that language was removed before passage of the final policy last week. The change was made so as “not [to be] taking a stand on…full decriminalization of the buyer,” Nolan said at the meeting.

Yet according to The Cambridge Somerville Independent, Council Member Jivan Sobrinho-Wheeler, who authored the new policy, said that even as adopted it still supports full decriminalization (that is, decriminalization of both full-service sex work providers and their clients):

In the version that passed, some councillors believed they voted for something different: that customers remain seen as criminals and that the goal is to end sex work rather than allow the trade to continue safely with protections for human and worker rights. “People are going to read it a little differently,” Sobrinho-Wheeler said, but he and supporters believe the order continues to cover clients and suppliers of sex work.

Sex worker rights advocates are calling the policy—which also includes plans for a phone line that sex workers can use to report crimes against them without having to interact with police—a win.

“Victories seem rare. This one is special because of how many sex workers, survivors, and allies supported our effort,” Mary Carol, co-chair of the Boston Sex Workers and Allies Collective, said in a press release.

During the public comment portion of the council’s October 5 meeting, at least 27 people—including current and former sex workers, lawyers, and people in social services—spoke in support of full decriminalization.

“I choose to do this work and I choose to do this work without going to jail for it,” said Rita Romero, who said she has been “a sex worker for over 20 years.”

A woman describing herself as “a student, a mother, an advocate, and a sex worker” told council members: “We are not asking you to understand every choice that we make. We are asking you to understand that criminalization does not make us disappear, it only changes how safely we are able to exist.”

“Our commonwealth should protect people’s dignity, not punish them for trying to survive,” opined Kayla Kittredge, an independent candidate for lieutenant governor of Massachusetts.

Several speakers who described themselves as survivors of sex trafficking supported the policy order. This included Quinn, who said she was “pushed into the sex industry as a teenager” and still supports full decriminalization.

Clients “didn’t hurt me because of a lack of punishment,” Quinn said. “They were able to hurt me because I had a lack of power, political power, to keep myself safe and to determine the trajectory of my own life. The fact is full decriminalization—not partial, not the equality model—only full decriminalization has been proven to afford both trafficking victims and sex workers more political power, actual political power.”

Only three people—two with the group Safe Exit, which helps people who do not want to be selling sexual services to stop doing so—spoke against the policy.

Safe Exit’s Audra Dooty said the policy would “hurt people and get more vulnerable folks sucked into the life” and advocated what’s alternately known as the Nordic model, the equality model, or partial decriminalization, in which sex workers are not criminalized but their clients are.

Several speakers at the council meeting directly opposed any policy that still prioritizes arresting sex buyers. Claudia Torres, a staff attorney at Justice at Work, noted that while some say decriminalization removes protection for vulnerable people, “vulnerability does not make meaningful consent impossible. Whether coercion is present is a fact-intensive, context-specific inquiry.”

“Criminalizing buyers does not eliminate dangerous clients or exploitation,” said Molly Lynch, a licensed clinical social worker. Instead, it “makes it harder for sex workers to protect themselves from those dangers.” Lynch added that having worked with street-based sex workers, she learned that “sex workers are experts in their own safety.”

“In other industries, like domestic work, we say the solution is giving people more labor protections,” Jessica Van Meer told the council. “We don’t say the solution to trafficking of domestic workers is to criminalize hiring a maid.”

The new Cambridge policy order puts on the record what already seems to be police policy. Shameka Gregory with the city’s Domestic and Gender-Based Violence Prevention Initiative said the Cambridge Police Department has made only about four sex worker arrests in the past five years. She did not say if any or how many solicitation arrests were made.

But even if local police aren’t proactively going after prostitution, sex workers and/or their customers in the area may still face arrests and prosecutions. In recent years, Cambridge has been the home of a high-profile “brothel” bust involving both federal and state police. More than 30 clients were arrested and prosecuted on state charges, and three people who ran the business were prosecuted on federal charges.


In the News

Where will the Trump administration livesteam its firing squad? (What a sentence to have to write.) “Depending on how much [social media platforms] want to bend over backwards (or should I say, bow down?) to appease Donald Trump and the bloodthirsty Pete Hegseth, all of them except Meta can make unfortunately credible claims that livestreaming an execution by firing squad doesn’t technically violate their policies,” notes Mike Masnick at Techdirt. “Meta cannot say that. I’d argue that the videos likely do violate YouTube, X, and TikTok’s policies as well, but it very much depends on subjective calls for all three.”

“Remember, some of the earliest moral panic over how ‘bad’ social media is came from US elected officials losing their minds about terrorist execution videos on YouTube,” adds Masnick:

It’s kind of incredible how far we’ve come: Now the US government itself is planning to stream a gruesome execution of its own, and any platform that pushes back will likely be attacked by the president and his supporters for not being patriotic enough.

Continuing in what’s apparently a surrealist theme of today’s newsletter…


On Substack

Will Ukraine decriminalize porn to help fund its military? Sofya Owl has helped fund Ukraine’s defense efforts by selling nude photos. That could make her a criminal in Ukraine, “where producing and distributing pornography remains a criminal offense,” explains Mariana Lastovyria at The Counteroffensive:

For years, it has had a thriving market for adult content that operates largely in the shadows.

Now, as the country faces a roughly $27 billion shortfall in defense funding, lawmakers are considering whether to remove pornography from the criminal code—potentially bringing part of that underground economy into the legal tax base. This gap is critical, as the money is needed now to pay for supplies at the front line for the first quarter of 2027.

According to recent estimates by Ukrainian lawmaker Yaroslav Zhelezniak, who co-authored a bill to decriminalize pornography production, legalizing the industry could bring the state budget up to $25 million a year in tax revenue. He says that amount would be enough to purchase around 30,000 drones.


Read This Thread

Why are campus administrators teaching about sex toys? 

Setting aside whether universities should be in the business of providing this kind of advice, the real question is why therapeutic bureaucracies are now somehow responsible for attending to every last private corner of student life, right down to the “bondage and fetish gear.” https://t.co/TmJ7ayMM5C

— Tyler Austin Harper (@Tyler_A_Harper) October 8, 2026


Follow-Up

Two very different Flock rulings: Last week, this newsletter covered a federal court ruling in which the judge called automated license plate reader (ALPR) systems such as Flock “a type of indiscriminate mass surveillance.” But all is not well in Flock/Fourth Amendment jurisprudence.

“A decision that a California judge issued the following day, which dismissed a lawsuit arguing that San Jose’s ALPR network violates the state constitution, is much more typical of litigation in this area, which so far has been almost uniformly unsuccessful,” reports Reason‘s Jacob Sullum. More:

The contrast between those two decisions suggests the challenges such lawsuits face as judges grapple with the implications of Supreme Court precedents involving cellphone location data. Although the relevance of those precedents might seem obvious, state and federal courts generally have perceived important differences between cellphone tracking and police use of roadside cameras that record images of passing cars.

Related: more cops facing criminal charges for misusing Flock.


More Sex & Tech

• Playboy says: Your parents were having more sex than you are. (If you’re in Gen Z, that is.)

• Claude is trolling cops now?

• Are bondage photos a political career-killer in 2026? We’ll soon find out!

• Always read Chris Ferguson on cellphone ban studies (and do it quick before he gets himself locked in a padded room rather than have to scream about effect sizes one more time).

• The winner of Britain’s prestigious Caine Prize for African Writing is now under question, after “the AI detector Pangram flag[ged] almost the entire story as AI-generated,” notes The Atlantic. And “this isn’t the first prize-winning story to be flagged by Pangram. It comes after similar scandals over this year’s Commonwealth Prize and Prix Goncourt—two other renowned literature contests—in which Pangram flagged AI use among finalists.”

• “The case for screen time limits rests in part on an unproven assumption that fewer hours will mean fewer anxious and depressed kids. The best evidence doesn’t support it,” writes the Columbia University psychiatrist Jonathan Slater in The New York Times:

Limiting screen time can promote children’s overall health. But the amount of time children spend on screens has only a small effect on their mental health. Genetics and certain experiences in childhood, as well as the lack of proper diagnosis and treatment, appear to be far more influential. Limiting screen time is not the first line of treatment for children with anxiety or depression.

• Abortion pill update: “The Food and Drug Administration expects to complete its safety review of the abortion pill mifepristone in March,” reports NBC. In a court document filed by the Department of Justice last Wednesday, the agency “said it plans to compare mifepristone’s safety to that of surgical abortions through 10 weeks’ gestation. Its review will measure the frequency of side effects among roughly 100,000 women who took mifepristone, it said.”

• The Pentagon has been a bad influence on Silicon Valley.

• Is AI slop what the people really want? “They like the slop, they’re eager for more, and whoever’s serving it to them is just fulfilling the authentic demand for unlimited AI-generated garbage,” suggests Jeremiah Johson at The Argument.

• A win for cryptocurrency: “The U.S. Treasury’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN) has withdrawn its proposal for a rule that would require financial institutions to report on cryptocurrency transactions that they ‘know, suspect, or have reason to suspect’ involve mixing in a foreign jurisdiction,” reports Reason‘s Matthew Petti. “The proposal was first made in October 2023, and the government withdrew it this week, citing complaints from the crypto industry and privacy concerns.”

Read the full article here

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Screenshot of silhouette in NAZA film (The Guardian/JW Films) NAZA, the new documentary film by Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, is not the first filmabout Israel, by Israelis, to speak out of turn. But the unrestrained response to it in Israel,following the film being awarded the Special Jury Prize at the Venice Film Festival lastmonth, is unprecedented. Israel’s minister of culture declared that he would take steps to have the filmmakers’citizenship revoked; angry protesters have demonstrated outside the homes of one of thefilmmakers’ parents; the offices of +972 Publications (the work builds on some of Abraham’s work for the news outlet) were evacuated after staff received credible threats of violence. Most tellingly, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared that people who “slandered” the country and Israel Defence Forces (IDF) at a time of war were “traitors”. Allthis before the film’s official release, scheduled for 14 October, and for a film that, as of thetime of writing, has not been seen by very many Israelis – and, almost certainly, not byanyone voicing their opprobrium in the public sphere. This speaks of one thing: censorship. Yuval Abraham (right) and an interviewee seen during the NAZA documentary (The Guardian/JW Films) On 7 October 2023, Hamas launched a multi-pronged attack on Israel, killing more than1200 people in one day and taking another 300 hostage. In the three years since, Israel haswaged an unrelenting and pitiless war against the two million residents of the Gaza Strip,killing at least 74,000 people and laying to waste much of the territory. NAZA is the acronym in Hebrew for nezek agavi – collateral damage, a horrible euphemism that has bounced about since at least the Vietnam War. It is also, according to the film that carries this name, a protocol that has been deployed by the IDF over the course of the war. Israel’s minister of culture declared that he would take steps to have the filmmakers’ citizenship revoked When actualising remote strikes against Hamas targets, the protocol determines how many civilian deaths constitute an acceptable trade-off vis-à-vis the elimination (yes, anothereuphemism) of an identified Hamas target? NAZA, the documentary is underpinned by a simple premise. 24 men and women, theiridentities disguised, are interviewed by Abraham on Tel Aviv rooftops about theirknowledge of the protocol, about the wider prosecution of the ongoing war, and about theirfeelings concerning how the war is being waged – the manner in which Gaza and Gazans have been laid to waste by the tools that they themselves have operated. The documentary unpicks NAZA’s methodology, how this reduces human life to a mathematical calculation. One information source for the NAZA protocol is Lavender, an AI tool that extrapolates from telephone network data the likelihood that any given individual is a “Hamas operative” – and thus a target whose elimination becomes attached to a NAZA number. Concerning Lavender, one interviewee says that the AI tool has an 85% accuracy rate. The life of a target, and of the people around that target, hinges on a tool with a 15% error rate. This alone casts into stark relief the IDF claim that its war is against Hamas alone. The impression one develops across the course of the film is that for some of theinterviewees, the depersonalisation created by NAZA helps in distancing oneself from theemotional and psychological implications of waging this particular war. It is, I think, a sentiment being replicated across Israel as a whole. Of the war in Gaza and how it is beingprosecuted, even now there is remarkably little debate in the public sphere. Very littlereflection, in the media or in the wider public discourse, about the consequences of waginga war in a manner that has ignited revulsion across the world. NAZA’s principal audience, despite the rhetoric of “traitors”, is Israelis. There is no single reason for this. One of the interview subjects talks of a “hormonal rush”,presumably connected to a primal wish for vengeance after 7 October. Several, with varying degrees of reflection, express some regret. One references all he had been taught about the Nazis and the Holocaust, then pauses. It is difficult, he continues, not to see parallels between that set of atrocities and these. One says that they – the people operating the NAZA protocol – “do not hate Arabs”. Abraham then reminds him of the number of people that NAZA potentially anonymises, then erases. He first obfuscates, then falls silent. 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A bifurcated life, though. One interviewee says that after selecting targets in HaKirya, the IDF’s central Tel Aviv headquarters, he may head off to meet friends on nearby Ibn Gvirol Street. Israel and many Israelis live in the shadow of the 7 October attacks but remain detached from the reality of the war being waged in their name in Gaza. Whether Israelis will get to see NAZA remains an open question. Abraham and Szor have said that they are open to discussing distribution terms with Israeli cinemas; the likelihood of any of them taking this up is slim. Whether or not the government will censor the film – quite plausible, given the rhetoric from above – is a moot point. In today’s Israel, I doubt that anyone will touch it with a barge pole. This weekend, Prime Minister Netanyahu wrote to his attorney-general and the heads of the IDF and the internal security agency, instructing that they “act urgently to uncover the identity of all those who are involved or appear in the libel film”, so that they may be prosecuted “for serious information security offenses, criminal defamation, and harming Israel’s diplomatic and security interests.” Making the film is being framed as treason; distributing it could easily be framed as much the same. NAZA will be made available to stream, for free, after its international theatrical run. Whether Israelis will choose to watch it, even in private, is a question I can’t answer. One thing that must be said, though. That the film was made at all says something about a capacity for self-reflection that did exist in Israel once, even if it was often mocked or dismissed or taken for granted. But that was before 7 October 2023. NAZA is not the first film about Israel, by Israelis, to speak out of turn. I’m not at all sure whether it won’t be the last. READ MORE

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