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Home»News»Legal & Courts»‘Voting By Mail is My Lifeline’: Voter with Disability Shares Importance of Mail-In Voting
Legal & Courts

‘Voting By Mail is My Lifeline’: Voter with Disability Shares Importance of Mail-In Voting

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‘Voting By Mail is My Lifeline’: Voter with Disability Shares Importance of Mail-In Voting
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Federal Court Hears Challenge to Trump Executive Order Restricting Mail-in Ballots

BOSTON – A federal District Court heard arguments today in a lawsuit challenging President Trump’s March 31 executive order concerning mail-in voting. Plaintiffs argue that the order violates the U.S. Constitution and federal law and risks mass disenfranchisement of eligible voters.
The Constitution makes clear that only the states and Congress can set the rules for elections. Nevertheless, the executive order attempts to override states’ mail-in voting laws by transforming the U.S. Postal Service from a neutral mail carrier into an arbiter of who may cast a ballot by mail. The order also requires the Department of Homeland Security to build and give to each state a purported list of U.S. citizens over the age of 18.
Plaintiffs asked the court today for a preliminary injunction to block implementation of Section 3 of the order, which directs the Postal Service to create unlawful new rules for the transmission of mail-in ballots.
The suit was filed in U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts by the League of Women Voters of Massachusetts, League of Women Voters, Association of Americans Resident Overseas, U.S. Vote Foundation, OCA – Asian Pacific American Advocates, and Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc.
They are represented by the American Civil Liberties Union, ACLU of Massachusetts, Brennan Center for Justice, Legal Defense Fund, Asian Americans Advancing Justice | AAJC, and LatinoJustice PRLDEF.
The following are statements from the plaintiffs and their legal counsel:
Attorneys representing the plaintiffs: “The Constitution is clear: the states and Congress — not the p resident — set the rules for our elections. The Trump administration is attempting to seize that power for itself with an unlawful and dangerous executive order. The order is already interfering with plaintiffs’ essential work helping American citizens vote. Together with our courageous clients, we’re seeking a preliminary injunction to stop further chaos in our elections, uphold the rule of law, and protect the millions of citizens who rely on mail-in voting, including people with disabilities, students, rural voters, and the elderly. We won’t let the Trump administration continue to trample on the fundamental right to vote.”
Marcia Johnson, chief of activation and justice, League of Women Voters: Mail voting helps millions of Americans participate in our democracy, including seniors, voters with disabilities, military families, students, caregivers, and working people. No president has the authority to unilaterally rewrite election rules or dictate how states administer their elections. The League will continue to fight for and defend every voter’s freedom to make their voice heard.”
Celia Canavan, executive director, League of Women Voters of Massachusetts: “Massachusetts voters fought hard to secure accessible vote-by-mail options, and we are not going to stand by while those freedoms are threatened. Today’s hearing made clear what is at stake. This executive order has caused significant confusion and interfered with LWVMA’s critical work, and it threatens to create new obstacles to eligible voters. The League of Women Voters of Massachusetts is proud to stand alongside our partners to defend the constitutional rights and voter protections that make our democracy great.”
The Association of Americans Resident Overseas: “For many Americans living abroad, voting by mail isn’t a preference, it’s the only option. President Trump’s unlawful executive order creates unnecessary complications and threatens to shut many overseas voters out of our democracy altogether. These voters are Americans and deserve to have a say. Their votes must not be thrown into doubt by reckless new rules.”
U.S. Vote Foundation: “Overseas citizens, including service members and their families, are some of the most civically committed Americans. They serve our country, build networks of U.S. citizens abroad, and stay connected to their families and communities back home. The president’s mail-in ballot executive order puts their fundamental right to vote at risk. Overseas and military voters add informed and relevant perspectives to our country. Their votes deserve to be protected!”
OCA – Asian Pacific American Advocates: “The Asian American community is made up overwhelmingly of multilingual immigrants and New Americans. Many of us have navigated the immigration and naturalization process and know that there are a variety of situations that make our community prone to being misidentified as noncitizens. With 3 in 4 Asian Americans speaking a language other than English at home, and when a third of us have limited English proficiency, voting by mail increases access to trusted translators and is a crucial part of being able to fully participate in our democracy. We must push back against efforts that create barriers to voting, and we stand in solidarity with all the other communities represented here today.”
Cheryl W. Turner, international president of Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc.: “Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc. has always understood voting rights as fundamental to democracy and to the full citizenship of the communities we serve and represent. This order threatens to create confusion, delay, and unlawful barriers for eligible voters who rely on mail-in voting, including seniors, voters with disabilities, students, service members, and communities that have too often had their political power challenged or denied. Delta is proud to stand with our co-plaintiffs and legal partners to defend the Constitution, protect voters, and ensure that every eligible ballot can be cast, counted and certified.”

Court Case: League of Women Voters of Massachusetts v. Trump

Affiliate: Massachusetts

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  Every year, as 4 June approaches, an old ritual unfolds in China. Censors spring into action. Social media posts disappear. Searches for “Tiananmen”, “June Fourth”, “1989”, and even more cryptic references are scrubbed from the internet. Activists are placed under surveillance, or sent on forced holidays. Foreign journalists gather in Hong Kong, Taipei, London and Washington to commemorate an event that officially never happened. For more than three decades, the Party has tried to erase the memory of Tiananmen. The effort itself suggests how deeply it remains haunted by it. I know because I was there. Not in Tiananmen Square itself, but in Nanjing, where I was a 25-year-old factory worker. Like millions of Chinese, I watched events unfold with excitement and hope. The student demonstrations soon spread beyond the universities. People from all walks of life joined in. I organised a large protest by workers from my missile factory in support of the students. For the first time in my life, I felt history opening before me. My fellow protesters and I believed that ordinary people could help shape our country’s future. Then, in the darkness before dawn on 4 June, came the sound of gunfire. The movement was crushed. The hopes of a generation were shattered. Like many others, I learned a painful lesson about the limits of political change in China. What has fascinated me ever since is not only the crackdown itself but the Chinese Communist Party’s determination to erase it from public memory. The campaign has been remarkably successful. Many young Chinese know little or nothing about Tiananmen. Some have never heard of it. Others know only fragments. In 2013, shortly before Xi Jinping came to power, when the political atmosphere was still somewhat more relaxed than it is today, I gave a book talk attended by university students. Afterwards, an earnest-looking young man approached me. “Did the government really open fire on the students on 4 June 1989?” he asked. “That was just Western propaganda, wasn’t it?” I have often been struck by the gap between my memories and their knowledge. Personally, I have never regretted what I did in 1989. I was repeatedly interrogated by the police and suspended from work, yet it remains the most meaningful thing I have ever done in my life. It shaped not only my understanding of China but also a lifelong fascination with politics and power. Looking back, I do not see 4 June simply as a tragedy. I also see it as a watershed. The movement arose not only from a desire for democracy and human rights, but also from widespread frustration with everyday life. Corruption was rampant, inflation was rising, and personal freedom was limited. The Party’s response was twofold. Politically, it tightened control. Economically, however, it accelerated reform and gradually gave people more personal freedom. Chinese citizens today can choose where to live, what careers to pursue and, to a much greater extent than before, how to live. The cage remains, but it has grown so large that many no longer feel its bars. In that sense, the protests of 1989 were not an absolute failure. Some of the grievances that fuelled it were addressed. Without that shock, China’s rulers might never have felt compelled to expand the cage. The Party may have defeated the movement, but it has never fully escaped its legacy. It fears Tiananmen not because it threatens its power today. China’s young people are more likely to worry about jobs, housing prices and economic uncertainty than political reform. What Tiananmen represents, however, is a challenge to the Party’s preferred narrative. The official story of modern China is one of stability, prosperity and national rejuvenation under Communist rule. Tiananmen reminds people that there was another possible path, and another vision of China’s future. When I was young, the Chinese government encouraged us to remember past humiliations and injustices. It understood that memory shapes identity. The same principle applies to Tiananmen. An event of such magnitude cannot be permanently erased. It survives in family stories, private conversations, overseas communities, memoirs and fragments of testimony. Now, 37 years later, the Party may have largely succeeded in making Tiananmen invisible. It has not succeeded in making it irrelevant. The impulses that brought people onto the streets in 1989 have not entirely disappeared. The desire for dignity, fairness and a voice in public life still surface quietly: parents challenging school policies on WeChat, residents petitioning local authorities over pollution or land disputes, women speaking out despite the risks. These are not movements in any formal sense, but they reveal something persistent – a wish to be heard. When repression goes too far, people are willing to push back, as seen in the White Paper Movement of late 2022, spontaneous protests which erupted nationwide against suffocating Covid rules. For me, the events of 1989 remain a reminder of a moment when millions of Chinese briefly imagined a different future. The tanks ended that dream, but they did not entirely extinguish the questions that inspired it. That is why, every June, the censors return to work. Not because Tiananmen is remembered too much, but because it is remembered at all. READ MORE

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