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Home»Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance»What Is Venice AI? The Privacy-Focused Chatbot
Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

What Is Venice AI? The Privacy-Focused Chatbot

News RoomBy News Room6 months agoNo Comments6 Mins Read422 Views
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What Is Venice AI? The Privacy-Focused Chatbot
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In brief

  • Unlike more widely known chatbots, Venice AI offers private, uncensored access to generative AI tools.
  • It supports text generation, image creation, real-time web search, and a developer API.
  • The platform uses tokens—VVV and DIEM—to allocate daily AI inference instead of charging per request.

Venice AI is a generative AI platform designed from the start to be private and uncensored.

Like other AI models, Venice provides a consumer-facing chat interface and a developer API that support text generation, image creation, and live web search. What sets Venice apart is not the surface features, but how it handles data, restrictions, and payment.

Launched in 2024 by the founder and former CEO of ShapeShift, Erik Voorhees, Venice is designed around the idea that users should be able to use modern AI systems without having their conversations stored on centralized servers and without being constrained by rigid content filters.

“I saw where AI is going, which is to be captured by large tech companies that are in bed with the government,” Voorhees previously told Decrypt. “And that really worried me, and I see how powerful AI is, how consequential it can be—an amazing realm of new technologies.”

What Venice AI can do

Venice supports a full range of core AI capabilities:

  • 🖨️ Text generation: General chat, long-form writing, research assistance, and creative output using open-source large language models.
  • 🖼️ Image generation: Text-to-image generation through open-source image models.
  • 📺 Video generation: Text-to-video and image-to-video generation, introduced as part of Venice V2 and initially available to beta and Pro users.
  • 🔎 Real-time web search: Responses that include current information with clickable source links.
  • 👨‍💻 Developer API: Programmatic access for applications and AI agents, with inference allocated through staking or paid credits.

Subscription tiers

Venice AI offers a free tier and a paid Pro subscription. The free tier provides limited access to core features and basic API usage, including private text, image, and code generation using base AI models, with 10 text prompts per day and 15 image prompts per day.

The Pro tier expands those capabilities with access to advanced models and character creation. Pro users can generate unlimited text, remove image watermarks, apply high-resolution upscaling, and create up to 1,000 images per day.

The Pro plan also includes a one-time grant of 1,000 credits for video generation or API use. Pro costs $18 per month or $149 per year, with payment available via credit/debit cards, Bitcoin, or Coinbase.

From the user’s perspective, Venice’s functionality looks similar to other modern AI chatbots like ChatGPT, Gemini, and Claude. The difference lies in how access and control are structured behind the scenes.

Privacy by design

Venice AI puts privacy at the center of its design. The platform keeps conversations locally in a user’s browser rather than storing them on company-controlled servers. By doing so, Venice limits long-term data retention and reduces how closely prompts can be linked to a user’s identity.

“[The GPU] does see the plain text of the specific prompt, but it doesn’t see all your other conversations, and Venice doesn’t see your conversations, and none of it is tied to your identity,” Voorhees said.

Uncensored AI

In addition to being privacy-focused, Venice also positions itself as an uncensored AI platform and comes with fewer restrictions than those enforced by mainstream consumer AI products. Venice emphasizes user control and configurability, allowing a wider range of prompts and outputs—particularly for creative or exploratory use cases.

Timeline: Venice AI, VVV, and DIEM

  • May 2024: Venice launches publicly as a private, uncensored AI platform built on open-source models.
  • July 2024: Venice adds real-time web search with clickable citations.
  • November 2024: Venice releases an early version of its developer API.
  • January 2025: Venice announces the VVV token and introduces a staking-based inference model.
  • April 2025: Introduces text-to-image generation.
  • August 2025: Introduces DIEM, a token designed to represent fixed daily AI inference credits, and announces a reduction in VVV inflation.
  • October 2025: Venice V2 is announced, adding video generation, outlining the deeper integration of VVV into the platform.

What Is VVV?

VVV is Venice AI’s native token, which functions as an access token rather than a payment token. Built on Coinbase’s Ethereum layer-2 network Base, it has a total supply at launch of 78 million VVV.

When users stake VVV, they receive a daily allocation of Venice API inference capacity for text, image, and code generation, without paying per request. Venice calculates that allocation as a pro-rata share of its total API capacity, measured using an internal unit called Diem.

Venice sets inference limits based on each user’s share of VVV staked among active stakers, defined as accounts that have made at least one API call in the past seven days. Users do not spend VVV to make requests; they stake it and draw from their daily allocation as needed.

While staked, VVV also earns emissions-based yield, distributed according to demand on the Venice API.

​What Is DIEM?

Launched in August 2025, DIEM is a token introduced by Venice to represent perpetual AI inference.

Each DIEM provides $1 per day of Venice API credit, forever, giving holders a fixed daily allocation of AI compute instead of usage-based pricing. Users can mint DIEM only by locking staked VVV.

While VVV is locked to mint DIEM, it continues to earn 80% of normal staking yield. Burning DIEM unlocks the original staked VVV at any time.

DIEM is an ERC-20 token on Base that can be staked for API access, transferred, or traded, allowing AI inference capacity to exist as a standalone, tradeable asset.

How Venice charges for AI access

Most AI APIs bill per token or per call. Venice offers an alternative: users can stake VVV to receive a pro‑rata share of the platform’s daily inference capacity, tracked in an internal unit called Diem.

API usage then draws down that daily Diem allocation (with different models costing different amounts), and the allocation resets each day, so it’s predictable but not unlimited.

​Venice also lets users pay for inference directly in USD through a Pro account, but it positions staking as the way to avoid per-request billing friction for high-frequency automation.

Venice AI is an attempt to separate who controls AI, how it’s paid for, and who can use it. Privacy, uncensored access, and tokenized inference are the tools it uses to make that separation possible.

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The Bangladeshi army stands guard at the Prothom Alo daily newspaper offices which were set ablaze during protests. Photo: AP Photo/Mahmud Hossain Opu/Alamy This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026. Smoke rose from two buildings late in the Dhaka night, thick and bitter, flames leaping through the shattered windows and gutting newsrooms. Outside, on Kazi Nazrul Islam Avenue and inbang the heart of Karwan Bazar on the night of 18 December 2025, hundreds of people surged forward, chanting, jeering and hurling stones at the offices of Bangladesh’s premier dailies – the Bengali Prothom Alo (First Light) and the English-language Daily Star. Representing the liberal, secular voice of an increasingly divided Bangladesh, editors and journalists at the two newspapers have faced legal attacks from the government and threats of violence. They have also had threats from sections of the general public. By nightfall, the glass frontage of Prothom Alo’s offices had been smashed. Inside, smoke spread rapidly through the newsroom, curling around desks where reporters had been editing copy only hours earlier. Journalists and staff scrambled for exits as the fire took hold on the lower floors of the building. Across the city, at The Daily Star’s headquarters, a similar scene was unfolding: stones hurled through windows, vehicles torched, entrances blocked and journalists trapped inside as smoke filled stairwells. Videos posted online showed flames licking at the building’s interior as staff shouted for help from the upper floors. From a neighbouring high-rise, senior Prothom Alo reporter Galib Ashraf watched helplessly as the conflagration gutted the newsroom that had been his professional home for years. “This wasn’t just a building burning,” he told journalists later. “It was our history going up in smoke.” The acrid smell of burning paper was mixed with fear as glass crunched underfoot and sirens wailed in the distance. For journalists inside the buildings, the experience was visceral. For those watching from outside – fellow reporters, photographers, passers-by – the message was unmistakable. In Bangladesh, even the largest and most established newsrooms were vulnerable to attack. A month later, when Index visited the charred remains of the two offices, a yellow tape surrounded the building, marking the scene of a crime. Veteran journalist Matiur Rahman, editor of Prothom Alo, forced a smile. “We reached out to everyone that night for help,” he said. On the night of the fire, several journalists at The Daily Star found themselves trapped in their offices. The only escape route was upwards, to the rooftop. One reporter, Zyma Islam, posted on Facebook from inside, her words chilling in their simplicity: “I can’t breathe anymore … there’s too much smoke … I am inside.” Some reporters feared that they would die. Mahfuz Anam, editor of the Daily Star told Index that if he had been around, he would have been lynched. He, too, tried reaching out to the authorities. Whilst everyone was sympathetic, it took a long time for help to arrive. The need for a new leader There was an acute sense of betrayal also hanging in the air when Index visited the offices of the two newspapers. Both Prothom Alo and The Daily Star had argued for a more liberal political order in Bangladesh. In August 2024, the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had fled the country when her government agents killed more than 800 student demonstrators. Like many of the country’s educated and middle classes, journalists felt Bangladesh needed a new leader known for probity, someone like the Nobel Laureate Muhammed Yunus. The newspapers supported Yunus, who was known for his pioneering microlending work in Bangladesh, specifically to support indigenous trading women. The fact that he had been persecuted and by Hasina added to his credibility. So there was considerable enthusiasm when he agreed to become the chief adviser of the interim government, the de facto prime minister until elections were held. But his political choices stunned people. Even while expressing faith in the youth, he blindsided the female student leaders responsible for the uprising that felled Hasina by letting the misogynistic Jamaat-e-Islami party dictate terms. Sheikh Hasina had banned the Jamaat, but following her ousting, the Jamaat had a new lease of life and was going to contest the February elections. Disappointed women leaders of the movement left the newly-formed National Citizen Party that the students had formed. Many felt that Yunus had betrayed their hopes. On the night of the attacks, the editors and senior journalists, including editors of rival newspapers, made frantic calls to Yunus and his advisers, as well as senior government officials, pleading for help. None came for a long time – both offices had been reduced to burnt-out shells before the fires were brought under control. There was no explanation forthcoming as to why the police did not arrive at the two newspaper offices, in the heart of Dhaka, to stop the mob before the crowds grew in size. The Daily Star was founded in 1991, two decades after the brutal civil war against Pakistan that led to Bangladesh’s independence – albeit at the cost of hundreds of thousands of lives. Prothom Alo was formed in 1998. The two newspapers have long been recognised as constructive critics of the governments of the day. While both have been accused of pro-India and anti-fundamentalist bias, they are both in fact remarkably independent. Nothing demonstrates this clearer than their dexterous navigation of the tortuous turns of Bangladeshi politics, characterised until recently by the Manichaean divide between the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) which each took turns holding power since Bangladesh’s independence in 1971. The night the presses stopped The December night of the fires, one of the darkest in the history of newspaper publishing in Bangladesh, was not merely a picture of chaos, it was the symbolic decapitation of independent journalism in Bangladesh. The two newspapers were forced to suspend their print editions, Prothom Alo for the first time in nearly three decades and The Daily Star for the first time in its 35-year existence. Martial law, threats of lawsuits and the arrests and disappearances of reporters hadn’t silenced them. But a mob did succeed where others had failed, even if only for one night. The mobs that converged on Dhaka’s media hubs did not emerge from a vacuum. The proximate cause of the confrontation was the assassination of a student leader, Sharif Osman Hadi, who was the spokesperson for Inquilab Mancha, Platform of the Revolution, which had emerged from the student-led uprising. His killers are still at large. But that anger was quickly and violently redirected at the press. Mobs accused the two newspapers of political bias, branding them “India-backed” and loyal to Hasina. Human rights and press bodies across the world condemned the attacks, not as isolated incidents but rather as symptoms of a deeper malaise. Irene Khan, the UN Special Rapporteur for freedom of expression and opinion, called the arson attacks ‘deeply alarming,’ expressing her outrage over ‘orchestrated mob violence.’ Bangladesh’s media landscape had been corroded for years by oppressive laws, intimidation and impunity. Whilst the arson attacks were dramatic, they were not anomalous. They were the logical culmination of a long, grinding war on free expression in Bangladesh. The erosion began with fear. For more than a decade, Bangladesh has stayed in the bottom quartile of global press freedom rankings (in 2025, it ranked 149th out of 180 countries surveyed by Reporters Without Borders). Editors came to understand which stories would invite legal trouble. Reporters learned when not to quote certain sources. Bloggers discovered that a Facebook post could carry the same risks as an investigative exposé. Some were hacked to death, and many fled to safety, seeking asylum abroad. Digital dissent A major turning point came in 2018, with the enactment of the Digital Security Act (DSA) – a broad and vaguely worded law ostensibly aimed at combating cybercrime and digital harm. In practice, it became a powerful tool for muzzling dissent. The Act’s provisions criminalised a wide range of speech perceived as “false” or “offensive”, leaving journalists, social-media users and activists vulnerable to long jail terms and heavy fines. Rights groups warned early on that the law could and would be abused to silence critics. One of the most emblematic cases involved Shamsuzzaman Shams, a reporter for Prothom Alo arrested in 2023 after writing about rising food prices. The Hasina government charged him under the DSA with spreading “false news”. Nearly 3,000 people, including hundreds of journalists, have been charged under the Act since it was passed into law – this in a country whose constitution guarantees freedom of expression. The DSA’s broad reach is part of a larger pattern, wherein legal mechanisms intended to protect citizens instead serve as implements of fear and silence. In 2020, cartoonist Ahmed Kabir Kishore, for example, spent 10 months in pre-trial detention under the DSA on account of his satirical work, drawing international condemnation for his treatment. The writer Mushtaq Ahmed died in jail in 2021. He had criticised the government’s handling of the pandemic and died of a heart attack, although his supporters and lawyers, including the co-accused, said he had been tortured in jail. Beyond arrests and lawsuits, the threat of violence hangs like Damocles’ sword over independent voices. One of the starkest and most haunting chapters in Bangladesh’s press freedom story is the disappearance of journalists – most notoriously that of Shafiqul Islam Kajol, a photojournalist and editor who vanished in March 2020. Kajol was last seen leaving his Dhaka home a day after being charged under the DSA with a defamation suit, filed by an Awami League politician. CCTV footage showed unidentified men tampering with his motorcycle before he disappeared. Kajol’s family suspected abduction; rights groups demanded investigations that never yielded closure. Authorities denied he was in custody. When Kajol was eventually found, with his hands and feet tied, near the Indian border, Bangladeshi authorities arrested him for trespassing. A narrowing conversation These attacks and deaths are horrifying reminders that journalists and independent thinkers constantly face mortal danger in Bangladesh for the very act of thinking and speaking freely. When journalists fear for their safety and media houses are targets of mob violence, the public conversation narrows. Citizens lose access to independent verification of facts, analysis and accountability reporting, making it easier for misinformation to flourish In the elections in February 2026, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s son, Tarique Rahman, secured a two-thirds majority in parliamentary seats, with their rivals the Awami League not allowed to stand, and Jamaat performing much less well than people had feared. While the BNP’s manifesto has spoken of upholding press freedom, in the binary nature of Bangladeshi politics, it might in fact mean that publications suppressed under the Awami League will have greater freedom – while publications that opposed the BNP might find that not much has changed. A newspaper which BNP leader Rahman was involved with was accused of running campaigns against atheist bloggers. What distinguishes the recent attacks on Prothom Alo and The Daily Star however was not merely their scale, but their symbolism. This was censorship by arson, carried out not by the state directly, but by crowds emboldened by years of official hostility. When governments describe journalists as enemies, traitors or foreign agents, they license others to act accordingly. When attacks on critics of the government are normalised, the moral fabric of society frays. Bengal is the culture of patrikas, pamphlets penned by intellectuals to defy orthodoxy. Shut them down, and it becomes a lesser Bengal. When voices are silenced or endangered, the very sense of a collective narrative – of what holds a diverse nation together – is weakened. READ MORE

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