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Home»News»Media & Culture»Why the Charlie Kirk Memorial Might Spell the End of Trump and MAGA
Media & Culture

Why the Charlie Kirk Memorial Might Spell the End of Trump and MAGA

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Sunday’s massive, televised memorial service for Charlie Kirk contained grace notes that were simply breathtaking to behold. “That young man…I forgive him,” said Kirk’s widow Erika, speaking of alleged killer Tyler Robinson. “I forgive him because it was what Christ did, and it’s what Charlie would do.”

Yet such a profound expression of grief and forgiveness was overwhelmed by the crassly political messaging voiced by speakers such as President Donald Trump, Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy Stephen Miller, and media hypeman Tucker Carlson. By using the occasion to score cheap partisan points and indulge in weird personal obsessions, they managed to drag the service into Idiocracy meets The Hunger Games territory. Indeed, far from being the launching pad for “the storm” and the “awaken[ing]” of the “dragon” that Miller prophesied, Sunday’s event may well represent the high-water mark of Trump’s final term and the crescendo of MAGA more broadly as the negative and unpopular effects of his policies become unmistakable.

Taking the stage after Erika Kirk, Trump averred, “He did not hate his opponents. He wanted the best for them. That’s where I disagreed with Charlie. I hate my opponent and I don’t want the best for them.” While some Trump supporters insist that the president was engaging in a self-deprecating display to honor Charlie Kirk’s memory, even they show discomfort. As PJ Media‘s Tim O’Brien grants, “On paper or online, this is an easy line to misread. A short video clip of it may also remove tone and context. To be fair, Trump’s patented deadpan delivery doesn’t help with some people, who, even when they watch him say his words, still aren’t able to pick up his self-deprecation. Then, of course, is the fact that there is a certain degree of truth in what he says.”

Indeed, Trump is nothing if not vindictive to opponents big and small, real and imagined. In his remarks, he managed to squeeze in a reference to late-night host Jimmy Kimmel as an “anchor [who] had no talent and no ratings” along with an ardent defense of his controversial and unpopular tariff policy. “Tariffs are making us rich again,” he said. “Richer than anybody ever thought was possible. And the only one challenging them are people that hate our country or foreign countries that are paying a price….Charlie understood that.” He also promised that “I think we found an answer to autism,” teasing yesterday’s announcement about a supposed connection between Tylenol and the condition.

These are strange things to say at a memorial service for a 31-year-old father of two felled by an assassin’s bullet. But Trump was overshadowed in sheer weirdness and off-putting affect by the massively popular former Fox News host Tucker Carlson, who told the thousands in attendance that Kirk’s assassination reminded him of “his favorite story ever.” He proceeded to set the scene: “It’s about 2,000 years ago in Jerusalem, and Jesus shows up and he starts talking about the people in power, and he starts doing the worst thing that you can do, which is telling the truth about people.” Carlson then describes a room full of presumably Jewish critics of Christ, saying, “I can just sort of picture the scene in a lamp-lit room with a bunch of guys sitting around eating hummus, thinking about—’What do we do about this guy telling the truth about us? We must make him stop talking.’ And there’s always one guy with the bright idea, and I can just hear him say, ‘I’ve got an idea. Why don’t we just kill him? That’ll shut him up, that’ll fix the problem.”

Carlson laughs in a way that can charitably be described as demented, even as he is invoking a version of the “deicide myth,” or the idea that Jews killed Christ and continue to bear responsibility for his death. He is clearly drawing a comparison between Jesus and Kirk, though the analogy seems off, if only because Kirk was on speed dial with Trump and many members of the Republican Party who control both houses of Congress and a majority of statehouses. Indeed, the story seems less intended to say anything about Kirk and more to burnish Carlson’s reputation as “America’s leading purveyor of antisemitic ideas,” as a recent National Review article called him.

Then there was Miller, who in an August appearance on Sean Hannity’s Fox News program said, “The Democrat [sic] Party does not fight for, care about, or represent American citizens. It is an entity devoted exclusively to the defense of hardened criminals, gang-bangers, and illegal, alien killers and terrorists. The Democrat Party is not a political party. It is a domestic extremist organization.”

Earlier in September, Miller inveighed against “a vast, organized ecosystem of indoctrination” comprising “child services, law clerks, hospital nurses, teachers, gov’t workers, even DOD employees” who “have been deeply and violently radicalized.” This is the paranoid style in American politics on steroids, spoken not from some marginal fringe position but from the White House itself. Like his boss and many MAGA social media stalwarts, Miller cannot conceive of disagreement as stemming from anything other than a to-the-death commitment to destroy Western civilization or, same thing, Trump’s policy agenda.

Miller’s comments at Kirk’s memorial struck a similarly combative and hyperbolic note and, like Trump and many of the speakers at the service, implied that the shooter is in no way the lone gunman he appears to have been, but a representative of some sort of vast conspiracy which is marching in lockstep against the Trump and MAGA agenda. He invoked they without ever defining the term with any precision or specificity.

They cannot imagine what they have awakened.

They cannot conceive of the army that they have arisen in all of us because we stand for what is good, what is virtuous, what is noble. And to those trying to incite violence against us, those trying to foment hatred against us, what do you have? You have nothing. You are nothing. You are wickedness. You are jealousy. You are envy. You are hatred. You are nothing. You can build nothing. You can produce nothing. You can create nothing.

It would be comforting to write off such rhetoric as grief deranged by the utter horror of a political assassination if it didn’t comport with everything we know about Miller going back to his student days. The logic of Miller’s thinking is clear—to oppose the president is to be part of an “organized ecosystem of indoctrination” and paves the way for endless harassment of anyone or any group that challenges Trump and the MAGA agenda.

But is Miller correct when asserting to critics of Trump and MAGA, “You cannot defeat us. You cannot slow us. You cannot stop us. You cannot deter us”?

Almost certainly not, and not for any nefarious reasons. By politicizing every aspect of everyday life, Trump and MAGA have exhausted more and more of us. Coupled with policy failure, the result is falling support for a candidate who captured just shy of 50 percent of the popular vote against arguably the worst Democratic candidate of the past 50 years. It’s meaningful that Trump gained voter share among young people and many ethnic and racial minorities—that’s a testament to the awfulness of Joe Biden’s presidency and the public’s interest in reversing course.

But Trump’s collapse is on his hands, not those of any conspiracy. Per RealClearPolitics’ average of polls, the last time Trump’s approval rating was higher than his disapproval rating was back in March. Currently, his disapproval is at 52.6 percent, just 0.1 of a point below his worst ever rating since January. His administration’s lashing out at ABC and Disney over Kimmel’s remarks about Kirk’s shooter and Trump’s response have drawn rebukes not simply from regular critics such as Sen. Rand Paul (R–Ky.) but from MAGA allies such as Sen. Ted Cruz (R–Texas), who said Federal Communications Commission Chairman Brendan Carr’s censorial threats were “right out of Goodfellas.” Attorney General Pam Bondi’s statements about criminalizing the nonconstitutional category of “hate speech” drew similar outcries from a variety of conservatives who usually support the president, including Megyn Kelly, Matt Walsh, and even Carlson, who said, “Any attempt to impose hate speech laws in this country…cannot be allowed under any circumstances.”

On specific issues that are at the center of his agenda, Trump’s numbers are bad and getting worse, according to a recent Washington Post–Ipsos poll. Sixty-four percent of Americans disapprove of his handling of tariffs, 60 percent disapprove of his handling of the Russia-Ukraine war, 58 percent disapprove of his actions regarding Israel and Gaza, 55 percent disapprove of his immigration stance, and 54 percent don’t like his handling of crime.

On the economy—arguably the most important issue for any president—59 percent are unhappy. “Brace yourself,” cautions George Mason University economist Tyler Cowen at The Free Press. “Here comes stagflation,” the defining condition of the 1970s’ economic malaise, which denotes simultaneous high inflation and high unemployment. He predicts inflation pushing up to 4 percent and unemployment hitting 7 percent over the next year and a half. Though low by ’70s standards, those would discombobulate further the 75 percent of Americans (and 51 percent of Republicans!) who already believe the country is headed in the wrong direction.

All causes have Trump and MAGA’s thumbprints on them. Tariffs increase prices (Cowen notes that coffee is up 14.5 percent since last July and ground beef just hit an all-time high of $6.33 per pound in August) and the president is goading the Federal Reserve to reduce interest rates and increase the money supply. As happened in his first term, government spending and national debt are up, and so is unemployment, especially in the very sectors tariffs and reduced immigration were supposed to save. “The manufacturing sector is down 31,000 jobs” over the past few months, writes Reason‘s Eric Boehm. “Other blue-collar sectors like construction and mining are down over that same period.” “The politics of stagflation tend to lead to voter dissatisfaction,” writes Cowen. “So however bad the public mood feels to you right now, there is a good chance it will get worse.”

The inability or unwillingness of Trump and his allies to shift course and temperament are pretty clear. (“The De-escalation of Politicization Can’t Be One-Sided,” blares a headline at The Daily Signal.) Erika Kirk will be taking over Turning Point USA, the organization her husband founded, and perhaps she will season its political commitments with the powerful Christian forgiveness she displayed on Sunday. “The answer to hate is not hate,” she said on Sunday. “Love for our enemies and love for those who persecute us.”

But to the extent that the broader MAGA movement doubles or triples down on its policies and rhetoric on display, it will only become even less popular.

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Hungary’s Sziget festival is known as a safe place to express yourself freely. Photo: Sandor Csudai/www.facebook.com/csudaisandor This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026. Crossing Budapest’s brutalist K-Bridge across the Danube to Óbuda Island on a grey spring day feels like the last journey of a condemned prisoner. The steel truss bridge was built as a temporary measure in 1955, a year before the uprising in which university students and ordinary citizens took to the streets to protest against the Stalinist government of Mátyás Rákosi. The single set of railway tracks suggests a one-way journey. It was built to give access to Budapest’s great Ganz Danubius shipyard. The shipyard was finally closed in 2000, after years of decline. These days, the bridge acts more like a rabbit hole from Orbán’s Hungary into Wonderland. Every summer, hundreds of thousands of people young and old cross to the leafy island to be entertained by music, theatre and dance, and to be challenged by debate, art and film – the joyous week-long celebration of free expression that is the Sziget Festival. Sziget was born from the ashes of Communism. In 1993, four years after the fall of the Iron Curtain, Károly Gerendai was just 22. Thin and sporting a shock of long hair like a Hungarian David Gilmour, Gerendai had become interested in the music industry whilst in high school. As a student, he earned money fly-posting and as a tour manager. Later, he managed bands and worked for record labels. That year, he was in charge of Sziámi, one of the best-known alt-rock bands in the Hungarian underground scene. On the tour bus after a concert, he fell into conversation with Péter Müller, the band’s frontman. “We talked about how, after the political transition, the big youth events had disappeared,” Gerendai told Index. “Before the political transition of 1989–90, there were state-organised youth events, but we quickly realised that they mainly served as a way for the state to control young people. Although we could meet and have fun together, we always felt the state’s watchful eye on us.” State control extended beyond the audience and on to the stage. “In the music industry, strong state selection was also in place: there were supported, tolerated, and banned bands, so not everyone was allowed to be heard.” This is where the seed of something new was born. Post Iron Curtain Co-founder Károly Gerendai. Photo: Sziget Festival “We thought it would be great to organise a multi-day event where young people could be together – something like a holiday combined with concerts, various cultural programmes, and community activities,” he said. Gerendai and Müller approached Gábor Demszky, mayor of Budapest at the time and first of the post-Communist era, for help. “He supported the concept but told us to organise it ourselves,” Gerendai told Index. “Even though we had no experience with anything like this, we boldly jumped into the organisation.” This make-it-up-as-you-go-along approach was typical in post-Soviet eastern Europe. The mayor suggested three possible venues for the festival, one of which was Óbuda Island. The island punctuates the Danube like a giant green exclamation mark between the city’s two halves, Buda and Pest. “Two iconic music events had previously been held there, both attracting huge interest,” said Gerendai. “One was the 1980 Black Sheep concert, a rare occasion when both tolerated and banned bands were allowed to perform. Then in 1991, it was one of the venues for the ‘Goodbye, Ivan!’ event celebrating the withdrawal of Soviet troops. I had worked on that event, which is how I got to know the subcontractors we later invited to help organise our festival.” Hungary’s youth were ready for a party. After only a few months’ preparation, the festival – initially called Diáksziget, Student Island in Hungarian – attracted 43,000 visitors over seven days. “We organised the first festival with the slogan ‘We need a week together’, referring to a carefree, shared community experience. Another slogan was ‘Everything is allowed, but nothing is mandatory’, which was meant to help us leave the past behind, celebrate freedom in every sense, and express that we never again wanted to live in a dictatorship,” said Gerendai. A wobbly start The line-up for the first festival was largely made up of Hungarian artists, such as alt-rock band Kispál és a Borz, punk band Tankcsapda, and singer János Bródy. In all, 200 bands performed on the festival’s two stages, alongside open-air movies and theatre productions. Yet, as was often the case after the fall of Communism, things didn’t work out as planned. Despite receiving sponsorship from Pepsi, the country’s Nagykanizsa brewery, and some support from the city of Budapest, the festival lost money. Lots of it. “It didn’t go smoothly,” admitted Gerendai. “We faced numerous problems during the process and made serious financial miscalculations.” By the end of the festival, it had run up a huge deficit, and only survived thanks to a bailout by the city council. But after this first turbulent year, Sziget not only survived but thrived. The following year saw the number of festivalgoers – or Szitizens as they are usually known – increase to 143,000. International acts like Jethro Tull, The Birds, and Jefferson Starship started to appear on the line-up. “Sziget outgrew Hungary’s borders early on, and we consciously developed the programme lineup, services, and visual identity so that we would be seen as a unique festival on the international scene as well,” said Gerendai. A beacon of light Chappell Roan on stage at Sziget. Photo: Sziget Festival By 2019, the festival was attracting more than half a million visitors to the Hungarian capital every year. The festival’s reputation was such that it was bringing in some of the world’s biggest music acts, including Arctic Monkeys, Kendrick Lamar, Kings of Leon, P!nk, Rihanna, Muse and David Guetta. Óbuda Island has remained the home of the festival. “It’s a great location: close to downtown Budapest, yet also a green, nature-filled area. It’s also symbolic – an island surrounded by a river, where once you cross the bridge, you can leave everyday problems behind,” Gerendai told Index. “It’s the origin of the nickname given by visitors: the Island of Freedom.” This nickname comes from the festival’s commitment to allowing artists and festival goers to speak their views – and was easy to pull off in a liberal city like Budapest keen to attract to hordes of young foreign tourists to boost the economy. In Gerendai’s opinion, freedom of expression was one of the major achievements of Hungary’s political transition in the 1990s. “I believe freedom of expression is a broader concept than simply who we agree or disagree with; it’s not fundamentally our role to judge other people’s views. At Sziget, we have always provided space for differences of opinion and we respect artistic freedom of expression on stage as well. At the same time, we do set limits: we do not allow hate-inciting or human-dignity violating expressions, and we also do not give space to extremist productions whose audiences could potentially endanger the safety of festival visitors.” As well as music, the festival is a thriving forum for circus, street theatre, film, visual arts and cabaret. At the heart of the festival is an area called Think for Tomorrow. The zone addresses pressing social issues that have an impact on the lives of young people, from their own perspective. “NGOs and organisations that play an important role in social and cultural life have also had their own dedicated space at Sziget since the early days,” said Gerendai. “These groups are worth introducing to the festival audience, and their work aligns with Sziget’s core values, such as sustainability, the protection of human rights, and acceptance.” Stepping back Magic Mirror at Sziget. Photo: Kristóf Hölvényi /Rockstar Photographers www.instagram.com/kristofholvenyi/ Eight years ago, after running 25 Sziget festivals, Gerendai decided to step back and sell his interest in the festival to promoter Superstruct, owned by American private equity company KKR. “I decided to pass the baton and from then on followed the festival only as a guest,” he said. During his time at its helm, the values of the Sziget festival had grown increasingly at odds with those of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz government. There is a huge LGBTQ+ presence at Sziget, both in visitors and artists, with the Magic Mirror venue on the site hosting themed content exploring the LGBTQ+ experience. After the Orbán government introduced anti-LGBTQ+ legislation in 2021, the festival’s new organisers came under pressure over its stance, and there were calls for them to ban under-18s from Magic Mirror. The organisers refused. Sziget’s audience has made itself heard on [former Hungarian prime minister] Orbán over the past few years. At the 2023 festival, during Hungarian rapper Krúbi’s performance the audience started chanting Mocskos Fidesz (Filthy Fidesz). This chant has since become popular common at the festival and at other music events. The Kneecap ban Friction between the festival and Orbán burst into the open in 2025 after Irish rappers Kneecap, who were due to perform at the festival that summer, were banned from the country for being a national security threat. Kneecap are outspoken critics of right-wing political ideology and are particularly scathing about the Israel-Gaza War. Kneecap (along with Bob Vylan) had performed inflammatory sets at Glastonbury the month before and Orbán, for his part, has been strengthening his strategic alliance with Israel, going so far as to declare that “Jewish communities are safer in Budapest than anywhere else in Europe”. Orbán told state broadcaster Kossuth Radio that he was angry that the band had been invited to play at Sziget. He claimed that the organisers’ decision was motivated by financial gain. “Is this damn money really that important?” Orbán asked the radio presenter. Even though they were unable to perform, Kneecap shared a message with festivalgoers gathering at the stage on which they were due to perform. The message read: “We wish we could be there with you at one of the best festivals in the world and the first European festival Kneecap ever played,” the message read. “We can’t because of one hate filled man. Viktor Orbán.” When this part of the message was displayed, a huge crowd who had been told on social media to expect something from the band started booing and chanting “Fuck Orbán”. The message continued: “We have been convicted of zero crimes in any country ever. But we will call out oppression. For calling out Israel’s genocidal campaign Viktor has banned us from your beautiful country for three years. Israel is committing a genocide against the Palestinian people. Viktor Orbán and his government support it. Viktor Orbán and his government tried to shut down Pride in Budapest. They failed. We must stand together. Oppose Orbán. Oppose Israel. Oppose genocide.” The festival’s robust stance in favour of LGBTQ+ rights has won it the European Festival Awards Take a Stand prize twice, in 2023 and 2026 (for 2025). The award recognises festivals that stand up for peaceful dialogue, humanism, tolerance, and mutual understanding – activities that do not necessarily chime with the profit imperative. Stepping forward again It is true, though, that since the Covid pandemic money has been a big problem for the Sziget festival. Like many other European music festivals, Sziget had struggled thanks to two years of cancellations, the spiralling cost of living, and sharply rising artist fees. The festival lost $5.6 million in 2023, and almost $12 million in 2024. In 2025, the company running the festival (without Gerendai) sent a letter to Budapest mayor Gergely Karácsony calling for the agreement between the festival and the city, as the island’s landowner, to be terminated. The festival seemed to be doomed. But the return of a familiar figure saved it at the last minute – its co-founder, Gerendai. “The new owner decided that they no longer wished to finance the festival, which had found itself in a difficult situation in the post-pandemic years due to economic conditions and, in my view, certain conceptual decisions as well,” said Gerendai. “They offered that if I took Sziget back, we could continue organising it under my leadership. So it was either I return – or there would be no Sziget.” “It caused me several sleepless nights, since in the meantime I had been working on completely different things,” Gerendai told Index. “But in the end, I felt that a festival that has become a cultural institution in Hungary and is also significant on the international scene simply cannot end abruptly. Besides, this is my child – I couldn’t abandon it.” Superstruct has come under huge pressure from activists and artists since its acquisition by KKR in June 2024. KKR has significant investments in Israeli companies, including some operating in the West Bank. In May 2025, a number of artists pulled out of the UK’s Field Day festival because of its Superstruct ownership. The transfer of the licence from Superstruct back to Gerendai almost didn’t happen. Budapest City Council initially blocked the transfer, with councillors from Fidesz and Péter Magyar’s opposition Tisza party abstaining from the vote. However, Hungary’s Index newspaper reports that Magyar, reacting to negative sentiment from potential voters over the news that Sziget might fold, quickly arranged a meeting with Gerendai. On 30 October, Magyar posted a picture of himself and Gerendai on Facebook, announcing that the pair would meet again at the 2026 festival after agreeing on two amendments to the proposals: first, that the costs of using the island would be paid back to the city by 2030 rather than 2035, and second, that all Hungarians under the age of 25 would get discounted tickets to the festival – a potential vote-winner among this demographic. Gerendai himself won’t be drawn on his politics. The 2026 Sziget festival is now set to go ahead from 11 to 15 August 2026, featuring Florence + The Machine, Lewis Capaldi, Sombr, Twenty One Pilots, Biffy Clyro and Underworld as well as hundreds of others including Hungarian rapper Sisi on the line-up. Gerendai said, “Many large music festivals operate primarily as business ventures focused on who is performing. In recent years, Sziget had also started to move in this direction, but I believe a festival should stand for more than that. Cultural diversity must be emphasised, as well as a commitment to core values. Reaffirming this ambition can be the key to long-term success – and this is what we aim for in the future.” The future for music festivals remains uncertain but, for now, the legendary island of freedom looks safe back in Gerendai’s hands. READ MORE

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