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Home»News»Media & Culture»The Clean Air Act Is Making Our Air Dirtier
Media & Culture

The Clean Air Act Is Making Our Air Dirtier

News RoomBy News Room10 months agoNo Comments4 Mins Read3 Views
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The sky turns a rusty orange. The sun dims behind a thick veil of smoke. For millions of Americans, even ones far from wildfire-prone lands, this eerie scene is no longer rare. Extreme wildfires have doubled in frequency and intensity in recent decades, and their smoke is erasing decades of gains in clean air. 

Fine particulate matter from wildfire smoke—tiny particles that lodge deep in the lungs—is now one of the most harmful forms of air pollution in America. So you might assume that our nation’s clean air laws are working to protect us from such emissions. But here’s the paradox: While the Clean Air Act seeks to reduce harmful pollution, it largely overlooks the biggest and fastest-growing source of that pollution: wildfires.

Worse, the Clean Air Act makes it harder to use the very tool that scientists and land managers agree is essential for reducing catastrophic fires and the choking smoke they produce.

Under the act’s “exceptional events” rule, regulators may exclude pollution from certain natural disasters when deciding whether an area meets federal air quality standards. Wildfire smoke almost always qualifies for that exemption. Under current rules, wildfires are presumed “not reasonably controllable or preventable,” which means that when a megafire blankets a city in dangerous haze, those emissions are essentially excused after the fact. 

The planned, carefully controlled burns that can prevent megafires—known as prescribed fires—rarely qualify. They are, by definition, intentional and therefore generally fail to meet the Clean Air Act’s requirements for exceptional events. The result is a perverse incentive: The uncontrolled wildfire that blackens the skies is given a regulatory free pass, while the low-intensity prescribed fire that could have reduced the risk of that disaster faces red tape and potential penalties.

As a result, states become reluctant to issue burn permits, and fire practitioners scale back projects rather than risk running afoul of federal standards.

The EPA has recognized this problem and in 2016 revised its rules to, in theory, allow prescribed fires to qualify as exceptional events. Yet the process has proven unworkable. To satisfy Clean Air Act rules, a prescribed fire must somehow be deemed “not reasonably controllable or preventable” and “unlikely to recur”—criteria that controlled, regularly scheduled burns cannot truly meet. A Georgia forestry official recently testified that the state submitted 89 exceptional event demonstrations for prescribed fires in recent years; the EPA has yet to approve or deny any of them. Nationwide, since the rule was updated, only one prescribed fire has been approved for an exemption—a telling measure of how onerous the process is.

Prescribed fire is hardly experimental. For centuries, Indigenous peoples used it to keep forests resilient. Today, fire ecologists and land managers rely on it to thin dense fuels and restore healthier landscapes. The benefits are well documented. One recent study found that in California—where wildfire smoke is among the largest sources of fine-particle pollution—areas treated with prescribed fire burned less severely and emitted less fine particulate matter overall, even after accounting for the smoke from the prescribed fires themselves.

The difficulty of qualifying a prescribed burn as an exceptional event makes the existing rule “an ineffective tool to discount emissions from prescribed fire,” according to a 2024 report by a coalition of fire experts, tribal officials, and forestry practitioners. Consequently, the severe health and economic harms of worsening wildfire smoke, they conclude, are “largely neglected, if not inadvertently caused by the Clean Air Act regulations themselves.” Last year, the EPA tightened the national standard for fine particulate matter, which only heightens the urgency of finding a workable path to credit prescribed burns for the cleaner air they help secure. 

Fortunately, reform may be on the horizon. Last month, Congress considered draft legislation that would streamline how prescribed burns can be treated under the Clean Air Act. The Wildfire Emissions Prevention Act would give states and the EPA the flexibility to recognize prescribed burns as actions that reduce wildfire risk and therefore qualify as “exceptional events,” even though they are intentional and recurring. Instead of forcing prescribed fire into a rule designed for natural disasters, the bill would create a clear, simplified process for states to exclude smoke from these burns.

Other changes could help as well. This week, the Senate Agriculture Committee approved a separate bill—the Fix Our Forests Act—that would encourage greater use of prescribed fire by speeding up project approvals in high-risk fire areas and reducing litigation obstacles that often stall or derail forest restoration efforts. The committee passed the legislation with overwhelming bipartisan support.

Such reforms are urgently needed. Prescribed fire is one of the most effective tools we have to break the cycle of catastrophic wildfires and choking smoke. Clean air rules and other environmental regulations should make it easier, not harder, to use it.

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Joshua Wong has spent more than 2,000 consecutive days behind bars More than a decade ago, Hong Kong watched a bespectacled teenager emerge from a student movement and become one of the most recognisable voices of his generation. Joshua Wong was barely old enough to vote when much of the world learned his name. He devoted his adolescence and then his twenties to arguing that Hong Kong people should have a say in their own future. Today, he is 29. He has spent more than 2,000 consecutive days behind bars. And after pleading guilty to another national security charge, he once again doesn’t know when – or whether –he will be free. I met Joshua in 2013, when he was 16 and I was 14. He had recently helped lead a student movement opposing the Hong Kong government’s attempt to introduce Chinese nationalist education into our schools. He was sharp, stubborn, and unapologetic. Most importantly to those of us who were younger, he seemed entirely unconvinced by the idea that being young meant we should remain quiet. Joshua Wong speaks to US congressmen in 2019 Joshua believed we had every right to speak about the future because it was our future too. He went on to become one of the student leaders of the 2014 Umbrella Movement and later co-founded Demosistō, a political party advocating self-determination for Hong Kong. Arrests, court appearances, and prison sentences gradually became part of his life. Then, in November 2020, Joshua entered prison and didn’t come home. The Hong Kong outside his cell has changed almost beyond recognition since then. Newspapers have been forced to close down. Civil society organisations and political groups have disbanded. Democracy activists have been imprisoned or driven into exile, like me. Books disappeared from shelves. People have deleted old social media posts, withdrawn from political life, and learned to choose their words more carefully. Hong Kong’s freedoms haven’t disappeared only through arrest and prosecutions. They’ve disappeared through the fear those prosecutions create. And slowly, Joshua himself has been made to disappear from everyday life. In January 2021, while already detained, he was arrested under the National Security Law for participating in an unofficial primary election held the previous year. He was eventually sentenced to four years and eight months in that case. He had been expected to complete his existing prison term in January 2027. But the authorities weren’t finished with him. In June 2025, while Joshua was still incarcerated, police arrested him again. This time, prosecutors accused him of conspiring to “collude with foreign forces” through international advocacy. He has now pleaded guilty to the charge. His sentencing remains ahead of him, and in cases deemed sufficiently grave, the offence can carry life imprisonment. It would be easy to regard this as simply another prosecution of a prominent Hong Kong democracy activist. That would miss the larger point. Joshua’s case matters not only because the authorities have deprived one man of his freedom. It matters because of what his prosecution tells everyone who once exercised the freedoms Hong Kong was supposed to protect. The prosecution has reached back into Joshua’s public life: his speeches, media interviews, campaigns, social media posts, and meetings with foreign politicians – all before the NSL existed – and presented them as the background to the charge. These weren’t secret acts. They were part of Hong Kong’s public political life. Joshua spoke openly. He met politicians openly. He gave interviews openly. He advocated internationally in full view of the government and the world. A society doesn’t have to formally outlaw every opinion to make people afraid to express one. All it has to do is demonstrate what might happen to those who speak too loudly. This is what makes Joshua’s prosecution bigger than Joshua. The authorities don’t need to imprison every young Hong Konger who attended a protest, who campaigned for democracy, spoke to a journalist or posted on social media. They only need to make an example of someone everybody remembers doing so. They know this well. Joshua was proof to my generation that a teenager’s voice could matter. His imprisonment risks being turned into proof of the opposite: that speaking can follow you for years; that yesterday’s advocacy can become tomorrow’s evidence; and that even after one sentence ends, another can be waiting in the docks. This is how censorship moves beyond newspaper offices and political organisations and takes up residence in people’s minds. People learn to silence themselves, beating the authorities to the punch. For those of us who knew Joshua when we were kids, that transformation is particularly painful. We grew up believing that using our voices was an act of citizenship, and Joshua taught us that. Joshua’s case now poses another question for us: will we learn the lesson his jailers want to teach us – or will we remember the one Joshua taught us first. Frances Hui is the policy and advocacy manager at the Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong Foundation. READ MORE

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