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Home»News»Media & Culture»South Dakota Can’t Stop Website From Informing Women About Abortion Pills
Media & Culture

South Dakota Can’t Stop Website From Informing Women About Abortion Pills

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South Dakota can’t stop a website from telling women of that state about abortion pills and where to get them—at least not yet. A federal judge has temporarily blocked the state from enforcing its new anti-abortion advertising law against Mayday Health.

You are reading Sex & Tech, from Elizabeth Nolan Brown. Get more of Elizabeth’s sex, tech, bodily autonomy, law, and online culture coverage.

Mayday Health runs a website with information about where people can obtain abortion pills, including pills prescribed remotely and mailed to women in states—like South Dakota—where abortion is banned.

Notably, Mayday doesn’t provide abortion pill prescriptions itself—just information. Nonetheless, South Dakota has been engaged in a monthslong First Amendment battle with the group, beginning with a cease-and-desist letter sent last December over the group’s gas station ads for its website.

In March, South Dakota passed a ban on abortion advertising by amending its existing abortion-ban law. The new law says “no person may knowingly dispense, distribute, sell, or advertise any…article or thing designed, adapted, or intended for producing an abortion” or any “article, instrument, substance, drug, medicine, or thing that is advertised or described in a manner calculated to lead another to use or apply it for producing an abortion.” It also authorized the state’s attorney general to sue in civil court over alleged violations of the law.

Mayday sued, calling this new anti-abortion advertising law unconstitutional.

U.S. District Judge Camela Theeler seems poised to agree with Mayday. On Friday, Theeler issued a preliminary injunction against South Dakota enforcing the law against Mayday or against lawyer and former state senator Nancy Turbak Berry.

As part of Mayday’s lawsuit, Berry had argued that she could be advertising abortion by wearing a Mayday sweatshirt.

Although the state says “that Turbak can wear her sweatshirt without fear of prosecution, [it has] not disavowed the State’s authority to prosecute Turbak or persons like Turbak,” noted Theeler, holding that Turbak does have standing to sue. “While the [state] cast the message on Turbak’s Mayday sweatshirt as mere advocacy, the message her sweatshirt conveys is markedly similar to the message on Mayday’s gas station placards—a message that the Defendants argue would violate South Dakota law.”

Theeler went on to note that South Dakota’s abortion advertising law is a content-based restriction on speech. And there’s a high bar for such restrictions being constitutional.

There are limits and exceptions, of course. For instance, “speech integral to criminal conduct” is not protected by the First Amendment.

But “just because speech encourages criminal activity does not mean it is unprotected,” wrote the judge. “Rather, for speech to exceed the bounds of protection, the speech must ‘intend[] to bring about a particular unlawful act[,]’ or be ‘directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action.'” And in this case, Mayday is doing neither.

Mayday doesn’t profit from abortion-pill sales, it doesn’t directly facilitate their sale to South Dakota residents, and it doesn’t assist in their transfer into the state, the judge observed. And even if a South Dakota woman uses Mayday to find information about abortion pills that she then receives and takes, this would not be an incitement to imminent illegal action, because it’s not criminal for a woman to take abortion pills.

Commercial speech is generally held to receive less First Amendment protection than non-commercial speech. But Mayday’s website is not commercial speech, as “Mayday does not sell, handle, or distribute abortion pills for [the] third-party providers” that it links to and as “there is no evidence that Mayday holds an economic motivation for its advertisements,” the judge wrote. “Rather, the evidence and testimony establish that Mayday is a nonprofit organization expressing a moral belief and providing information for free.”

The Volokh Conspiracy has more on the judge’s decision here (and you can read the full opinion here). For now, I’ll just point out that the ruling is good news for both reproductive freedom and free speech.

Should South Dakota’s law ultimately stand, we can expect not only to see that state go after Mayday and possibly other websites that provide information about abortion pills, but to see multiple states with abortion bans go after them, along with any entity that participates in providing information about remote prescriptions, from web hosting services to social media platforms and more.

Two more quick news items about abortion pills, one good and one not so good:

A recent study suggests abortion pills are just as safe and effective when dispensed by physician’s assistants or nurse practitioners as when prescribed by physicians. Until relatively recently, when the Food and Drug Administration loosened the rules, only physicians could prescribe abortion pills (and this had to be done in person). Anti-abortion advocates have been trying to go back to that arrangements. In the recent study, led by researchers at the University of California San Diego, effectiveness of the two-pill abortion regimen (mifepristone followed by misoprostol) was slightly more effective when prescribed by “advance practice clinicians” such as nurse practitioners and physician assistants then when prescribed by physicians (92.9 percent vs 90.1 percent).

Meanwhile, some anti-abortion activists and politicians have been toying with the idea of targeting abortion pills through the Comstock Act. Last week we got yet another sign that this could become a reality.  “Under former President Joe Biden, the [Justice Department] issued a legal opinion concluding the 1873 Comstock Act—which makes it illegal to send “abortion-causing articles” through the mail—does not prohibit the mailing of abortion medications today,” notes Ms. At a recent confirmation hearing for acting Attorney General Todd Blanche, Sen. Ted Cruz (R–Texas) asked if Blanche would “commit to carefully reviewing that opinion, to ensure that it faithfully reflects the actual statutory text that Congress enacted” with the Comstock Act. Blanche said he would.


FOLLOWUP

Will court reconsider Ohio age verification law? The tech trade group NetChoice is asking the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit to reconsider a case involving Ohio’s law requiring age verification for social media use. In June, a three-judge panel of the court allowed enforcement of the law to go forward. Now, NetChoice wants a rehearing en banc, meaning the court’s full roster of judges would weigh in.


On Substack

What you encounter on AI systems could be shaped by oppressive laws abroad. A new report from the Meta Oversight Board found prominent AI systems “are significantly less likely to criticize political regimes that restrict free expression.” The resulting “free speech infringements by proxy” mean AI use in America and around the world could be shaped by authoritarian foreign regimes.

This is incredibly dangerous, suggests Sarah McLaughlin of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE):

We no longer live in the days when a person who wants to say something just needs to know what local or national laws are on the books. What you can say online, and sometimes even offline, may be influenced and determined by a panoply of overlapping foreign speech laws. The same goes for what you can read, learn, and generate on the internet, from an online classroom to a social media platform to the LLM you use for work or study.

These manipulated results affect the millions, and perhaps billions, of people who are growing increasingly reliant on AI in their work, research, and play. But it will subtly affect many more people than just the direct users of LLMs. As writers, creators, companies, educators, and researchers generate content for broader audiences, it will influence political and historical material at scale—whether shared in books, movies, social media content, or more—for consumers unaware of the bias incorporated into the models producing it.

What a victory it represents for authoritarians to see their repression ripple far beyond their own police and prisons into technology that shapes what people say and understand about them and the world.


Read These Threads

In 2008 South Korea made it so you had to have your name attached to posts online.

Can you guess what happened next?

Half the country’s people were hacked—and that was just ONE hack in a series of them.

And nothing improved online.@TheFIREorg @sarahemclaugh told me about… pic.twitter.com/lNUqTjc4QY

— Shoshana Weissmann, Sloth Committee Chair 🦥 (@senatorshoshana) July 16, 2026

The idea of “harmful speech” is nothing more than a pretext to government censorship.They started, of course, with pornography, then quickly moved into political dissent. Now they’re casting entire platforms and formats as dangerous — as if ideas were weapons or drugs.

— Mike Stabile (@mikestabile.bsky.social) 2026-07-17T21:42:33.806Z

There’s another effort to break encryption in the US Senate!The STOP CSAM Act was added to the current version of the annual defense spending bill, known as the NDAA.If passed, it could require Internet infrastructure services and online platforms to break encryption to scan all data.

— John Perrino (@johnperrino.com) 2026-07-15T15:53:35.239Z


More Sex & Tech

• U.S. law enforcement arrested influencer Andrew Tate and his brother Tristan in Miami, Florida, on Saturday, “pursuant to extradition proceedings.” The Tates face an array of sex crime charges in the U.K.

• The new KIDS Act is just as unconstitutional as the much-criticized Kids Online Safety Act, writes Ari Cohn of FIRE.

• Pennsylvania will no longer make it a felony for people with HIV to engage in prostitution, which is generally a misdemeanor crime. Under existing law, “people living with HIV facing sex work related charges could have their charges enhanced to felonies, even in circumstances when HIV transmission isn’t possible,” notes the Philadelphia Gay News. That will change under Senate Bill 45, which is now awaiting Gov. John Shapiro’s signature.

• A request for a 1.4 trillion penalty against Meta in a social media addiction trial is “unreasonable,” the federal judge on the case said Friday.

• More criticism of The Atlantic‘s “End of Reading” piece.

• “I think we overrated intelligence, or misread what it is,” writes Clifford Sosin in an X essay on the limits of artificial intelligence. “The smallest object that can perfectly simulate the universe is the universe. Human systems are similarly complex. We can’t even predict our own behaviors reliably, let alone the emergent properties of large groups of people acting over time.”

• “The price of AI good enough to accomplish most everyday tasks has dropped precipitously,” points out Christopher Mims at The Wall Street Journal. “This is due to lightweight models that run in the cloud and on our devices, including new ones from Google, Apple and Chinese AI companies.”

• AI books are proliferating on Amazon. Two business professors who investigated expected AI romance novels would be most widespread, “but instead it was nonfiction—a term that should probably be used loosely in this context,” reports Kashmir Hill, who set out to find who was writing all these AI biographies (including one of herself).



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Members of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) protest for the recovery of missing activist Idris Khattak at Karachi press club, 2022. Photo from Pakistan Press International/Alamy Cambridge describes itself as a lighthouse of civilization. A cathedral of learning, a monument to thought historically positioned above the petty politics of the world. But what happens when the 21st century knocks? What happens when the modern age intrudes in the form of surveillance and threats? Cambridge’s response, as I have found out, is first to hesitate, then to turn away. Relying on the polished language of bureaucracy and neutrality, it turns a blind eye to reality and dresses up its response – its failure to respond – as policy.  When repression crosses oceans  I arrived at Cambridge as a researcher, with documented evidence of enforced disappearances, crimes against humanity and military executions. My family history is etched into this record of repression. My cousin Idris Khattak, a human rights researcher, was disappeared in 2019. He now sits in torture cells, a declared prisoner of conscience. The UN, Amnesty International and Freedom House have all cited his case in reports on human rights violations. But the violence I hoped to research at Cambridge did not remain theoretical for very long before becoming “transnational”.   I was aware of the risks. In September 2022, I went to Stockholm to investigate the mysterious murder of Baloch journalist Sajid Hussain. While Hussain’s death remains shrouded in mystery, the available evidence points to the involvement of Pakistan’s intelligence services in his death. While in Sweden, I was targeted by a break-in so precise that it could only have been committed by someone who knew my movements in advance. Specific details of the break-in were only known by the police – but this deliberately concealed information was referenced in threatening messages sent to me subsequently. Being in exile, I learnt, is not the same as protection. Sometimes it is merely distance.   I took up a place in Cambridge in the autumn of 2024. Late that year and into the next, I started to receive threatening messages containing specific information about my work, documents, and movements. Information that only state-linked actors could possibly acquire. The threats were direct and personal; designed to frighten, and also to demonstrate their reach.   Emboldened by Cambridge’s failure to act decisively, by the end of 2025 the threats had changed in register. They were no longer veiled: I was told explicitly that I was “waiting for the bullet”. I reported the death threats – this is what they were – to both the university and the police. But nothing was done.  And then, only a few weeks ago, a new round of threats arrived. Fresh, specific, unmistakably in their hostile intent. This was no residue of an old campaign. It was active, adaptive and ongoing.  This is what experts call transnational repression: when a state exports fear to silence its critics abroad. The phenomenon is not abstract as the name might suggest. It could be your father’s telephone number inserted into a message sent to you by a stranger. Your passport number and details recited back like an incantation.  And Cambridge?  When I alerted Cambridge to the issue, I did not expect the university to fight a war on my behalf. I was asking for what all institutions of learning claim to stand for: protection of the vulnerable, space for free expression and dissent.  But Cambridge did not tell me I was safe. Rather, it responded with managerial detachment. Citing spurious contractual violations, Cambridge sought to evict me from my student accommodation. Rather than ensuring that my room was secure, they secured it from me. Instead of defending my right to research, Cambridge ejected me from what I had believed to be a place of academic freedom. They did this administratively. Neatly. Like a liability item quietly struck from a balance sheet.  A Wolfson College spokesperson said at the time: “The College is and has been taking all steps toward resolving the situation, including ongoing conversation with the student.”   Both John McDonnell MP and the human rights lawyer Clive Stafford Smith made representations on my behalf to the university, long before the danger became as visible as it is now. By continuing to censor my work, they warned, Cambridge would not be “managing risk” but manufacturing it. Silencing a dissident does not neutralise a threat, but rather advertises vulnerability.    Ben Keith, my lawyer, submitted that the university’s actions were unlawful: a violation of academic freedom, and a violation of my rights under the Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Act 2023 and Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Nevertheless, Cambridge chose to proceed.  Concerns about my predicament have been raised by Amnesty International, Freedom House, special rapporteurs of the UN and Index on Censorship; by the National Union of Journalists; by members of parliament through an Early Day Motion; and by leading international human rights lawyers. Cambridge’s response to all was wrapped in bureaucratic obfuscation: words like “capacity”, “protocol”, “risk assessment”.    Despite its standing in academia, Cambridge determined at precisely this moment that it could do nothing. This is not neutrality. It is impotence dressed up as alignment.   Priyamvada Gopal, professor of postcolonial studies at Cambridge, was to have supervised my doctoral research had Cambridge not terminated it. In an email, she told me: “Cambridge University is deeply imbricated with the financial and political forces that sadly shape our society right now, and you are not wrong to sense that outside pressures have contributed to this situation.”  In a letter to the university authorities, Professor Thomas Jeff Miley, who supervised my M.Phil. thesis, wrote: “The circumstances surrounding Roshaan’s case smell of the university bowing to pressure and being complicit in international repression of dissident voices. The department pursued a policy with Roshaan that is virtually unprecedented in my experience of over a decade and a half of teaching here at Cambridge.” He also warned of the growing perception that the handling of my case may have been influenced by external pressure. Cambridge’s response, he noted, risked reproducing the very objectives of repression – harassment, intimidation, censorship, and the diversion of a scholar’s time and energy.  A pattern beyond one body  My case is part of a geography of fear that now reaches across continents. Over the last few months, Pakistani dissidents in the UK and elsewhere have been attacked with alarming co-ordination. I have received death threats. Other exiles have been beaten in their homes and had their houses ransacked, their safety systematically undermined. The message is clear: distance will not protect you. This is what it means by transnational repression, when repression learns to travel.  The danger we face is no longer theoretical. It has an address, it has victims. And it has around it a silence that is beginning to look like complicity. In a letter to Cambridge University, Stafford Smith wrote: “Where a researcher is documenting allegations of atrocity crimes and is targeted as a result, institutional choices that assist attempts to silence that research are not merely unfortunate, they raise questions of facilitative complicity.”   Cambridge speaks the language of compassion fluently: “wellbeing frameworks”, “safeguarding reviews”, “risk protocols” and so on. But in practice, these phrases become weapons wrapped in velvet. They convert a political act – refusal to protect and support a threatened dissident, despite an ethical and legal duty to do so – into a technical one. In this new order, a dissident researcher becomes a “security complication”, a human life becomes a “risk factor”.  Then there is the matter of China. My work cuts across both Islamabad and Beijing’s interests, given that the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor runs through Balochistan.  China is another geo-political power whose red lines are shaping what can be safely researched, and scholarship is increasingly contorting itself around Beijing’s sensitivities.    Cambridge is not untouched by this. In recent years, it has received tens of millions in China-linked funding, and has inaugurated partnerships such as the £200 million TusPark venture at its Science Park. Several senior academics have told me that topics that are now deemed “politically sensitive” – Uyghur persecution, for example, or China’s overseas footprint, are off-limits. Power does not merely repress. It edits.  The university as empire, rewritten  Once, institutions silenced dissidents with overt authority. Today, they do it by way of procedure. The effect is the same. Only the aesthetics have changed.  The question is not what Cambridge could have done. The answer is simple. Stand with the threatened, shelter the vulnerable, protect dissent even when this is inconvenient. Especially when it is inconvenient. When a state tries to silence a scholar on one’s territory, one should stand firm and say “no”. Universities that refuse to defend the vulnerable have no right to claim that they are in the business of defending truth.  But we refuse to leave quietly  There is still a path back for Cambridge. But taking this requires something that seems to be unfamiliar to the institution at the moment: to choose people over power, to choose life over alignment. Cambridge needs to recall how to choose truth over the seductive quiet of compliance. The lamps of learning are being dimmed. And the ash settling on them is not a metaphor. It is real, the charred remnants of the hope once held by the students it has betrayed.  Roshaan Khattak is a Pakistani documentary filmmaker and activist living in exile in the UK. His work researches human rights issues in Pakistan, specifically “enforced disappearances and related alleged abuses in Pakistan’s Balochistan province”.   A timeline of Transnational Repression   Pakistan has a history of intimidating dissidents living beyond its borders – a phenomenon known as transnational repression (TNR). At least two, Karima Baloch and Sajid Hussain have been killed, and several have been injured in targeted attacks in the UK. September 2024 – Khattak registers for an M.Phil in sociology at Wolfson College Cambridge, expecting to proceed after this to research for his Ph.D., exploring human rights violations in Balochistan. Khattak has confirmed to Index that he discussed TNR and the politically sensitive nature of his research with the university before taking up his place. Also, his understanding was that his progression to the Ph.D. programme depended solely on successfully completing the M.Phil. 30 November 2024 – Khattak organises an online solidarity event in support of his cousin, Idris Khattak. A one-time Amnesty and Human Rights Watch researcher, Khattak is currently serving a 14-year sentence in Pakistan, after being tried by a military court on charges of espionage. 3 December 2024 – Residents of Khattak’s postgraduate accommodation hall at Cambridge report two “strange blasts” in the building, causing a partial electricity outage. Khattak states that no concrete follow up steps were carried out by the university, despite his concerns about his safety. Soon after this, Wolfson College terminates Khattak’s accommodation contract, citing residency violations on his part. Khattak disputes the college’s claims. Even though Khattak is out of the country at the time, the college change the locks to his room and power down his computer – which contains sensitive information relating to his research. 21 December 2024 – Khattak receives a specific and detailed threat via X. On reporting it to the college, he is told to refer the matter to the police. Initially, the police tell him that because he is outside the country, it is outside their jurisdiction. Later, on being advised of the broader context of TNR and Cambridge, he is told that no action could be taken because the threshold warranting an investigation has not been met. Khattak states that a total of 15 requests to meet with college officials were rebuffed, with meetings cancelled “at the last minute” on 4 occasions. Under pressure from civil rights organisations and Khattak, Wolfson College reverse the decision to terminate Khattak’s accommodation. February 2025 – Khattak is informed that he would not be allowed to progress to the Ph.D. programme after completing his M.Phil. in December 2025. No reason is given. June 2025 – Khattak’s accommodation contract is terminated for a second time, even though Khattak remains a registered student at Wolfson College until the end of December 2025. 1 August 2025 – The Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Act 2023 (HEFSA) comes into effect. Amongst other things, the act establishes a duty for relevant bodies (including universities) to maintain a clear code of practice on matters relating to free speech and academic research. 7 October 2025 – an open letter penned by a cross-section of interested parties (including Index) asks Cambridge University to review Khattak’s case. 17 November 2025 – Khattak reports, once again, the death threats to the university. In line with HEFSA, the university has a statutory duty to respond accordingly. 17 December 2025 – Not having received a response to his report, Khattak writes to his personal tutor at Wolfson College, setting out the facts and the university’s failure to respond. In a letter dated 17 March 2026, Dr Thomas Jeffrey Miley, associate professor of sociology at Cambridge and Khattak’s proposed PhD supervisor, wrote: “Roshaan is an exceptionally strong scholar. He is one of the strongest students I have taught and supervised. His work is original, intellectually ambitious, politically and sociologically important, and pursued with unusual seriousness, independence and courage.” The letter continued: “In my view, the university had, and continues to have, responsibilities toward Roshaan in light of the risks attached to his lawful academic work…where a student has reported threats related to lawful research in the post-August 2025 regulatory context, the University cannot properly treat the matter as irrelevant to decisions that affect whether that research can continue.” Of the wider implications of Cambridge’s treatment of Khattak, Miley added: “I must also record my distress at the manner in which [Khattak] has been treated over the past year. He was twice required to leave accommodation by Wolfson College using flawed pretexts and at a very short notice. As I understand it, last time he suffered [the] loss of all his belongings as a result. There were also last-minute disruptions surrounding the MPhil that, from an academic point of view, appeared wholly disproportionate and very difficult to reconcile with ordinary practice.” READ MORE

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