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Home»News»Global Free Speech»Israel’s killing of 31 Yemeni journalists marks deadliest global attack in 16 years
Global Free Speech

Israel’s killing of 31 Yemeni journalists marks deadliest global attack in 16 years

News RoomBy News RoomSeptember 24, 2025No Comments8 Mins Read8 Views
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Israel’s killing of 31 Yemeni journalists marks deadliest global attack in 16 years
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Washington, D.C., September 19, 2025—Israel’s targeted strikes on two newspaper offices in Yemen’s capital, Sanaa, which killed 31 journalists and media support workers on September 10, signal that its deadly pattern of attacking reporters and newsrooms on the grounds that they publish “terrorist” propaganda has spread firmly across the Middle East. 

Yemen’s September 26 newspaper was the first to name the 31 killed by multiple strikes on its office and that of the Yemen newspaper, both in the government’s Moral Guidance Directorate’s headquarters. All but one of the dead worked for the two outlets.   

Nasser Al-Khadri, editor-in-chief of 26 September, described the killings as an “unprecedented massacre of journalists,” with multiple strikes hitting its newsroom at around 4:45 p.m. as staff were finalizing publication of the weekly paper, which is the Yemeni army’s official outlet. 

“It is a brutal and unjustified attack that targeted innocent people whose only crime was working in the media field, armed with nothing but their pens and words,” he told CPJ, adding that many colleagues were reduced to body parts.

A child, who had accompanied a journalist to work, was among the dead, Al-Khadri said, while 22 journalists were injured.

The incident is the second deadliest single attack on the press ever recorded by CPJ, following the 2009 Maguindanao massacre in the Philippines, in which 32 journalists were among those killed when a convoy was ambushed. 

Al-Khadri called on the international community to take a firm stance.

“The Israeli military destroyed the newspapers’ facilities, printing presses, and archives. The archive of 26 September is one of Yemen’s most important historical records, documenting the country’s history since the last century, and its loss is deeply painful,” he told CPJ. 

Fighters loyal to Yemen’s Houthis carry caskets during a funeral for those killed in Israeli airstrikes, including journalists. (Photo: AFP/ Mohammed Huwais)

Smearing journalists as terrorists

Israel’s attack on Yemen echoes previous strikes on Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran, where it has repeatedly failed to distinguish between military targets and journalists, justifying its assassinations by smearing journalists as terrorists or propagandists, without credible evidence. As civilians, journalists are protected under international law, including those working for state-run or armed group-affiliated outlets, unless they take direct part in hostilities. 

On September 10, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said on X that it had struck “military targets” in Sanaa and northern Al-Jawf Governorate, including the “Houthi Public Relations Department” that distributed “psychological terror.” In a September 18 email to CPJ, the IDF’s Foreign Media Desk added, “The terrorist regime’s Public Relations Department is responsible for distributing and disseminating propaganda messages in the media, including speeches by Houthi leader Abdul-Malik and statements from spokesman Yahya Saree.” 

The IDF said the strikes were in response to repeated Houthi attacks on Israel, which the rebels have declared an act of solidarity with Palestinians since the Israel-Gaza war began in 2023. The Iranian-backed Houthis took control of Sanaa in 2014 and have been fighting a Saudi-backed coalition supporting Yemen’s internationally recognized government for a decade.

Abdulrahman Mohammed Mutahar, a journalist living 500 meters from the site, told CPJ the attack caused “massive explosions unlike anything Sanaa had seen since 2015.” 

He said about eight missiles reduced the Moral Guidance Directorate headquarters to rubble, leaving some journalists’ bodies buried underneath.

“Targeting journalists aims to silence the truth,” Nabil Al-Asidi, a board member of the Yemeni Journalists Syndicate, told CPJ, adding that several of those killed were prominent, long-standing members of his union.

Israel extends it war on journalists beyond Gaza 

CPJ has long documented Israel’s tactic of portraying journalists as combatants to excuse their killing. Months before the current Gaza war, CPJ’s 2023 “Deadly Pattern” report detailed five unsubstantiated claims of terrorism or militant activity against journalists killed by Israeli forces between 2004 and 2018. 

CPJ is classifying Israel’s 31 killings in Yemen as murders — deliberate targeting of journalists for their work. Prior to the September 10 attack, CPJ had determined that more than two dozen other journalists and media workers had been murdered by Israel after the start of the war on October 7, 2023.

Israel murdered 1 in 6 journalists globally since 2016 (Stacked column chart)

An August investigation by the independent Israeli magazine +972, found that the IDF runs a “Legitimization Cell” that frames Gaza-based journalists as Hamas operatives, in an effort to blunt global outrage over multiple killings. 

In recent weeks, condemnation has intensified with two attacks that clearly targeted the press. On August 10, six journalists were killed in media tents near Gaza City’s Al-Shifa Hospital, including Al Jazeera correspondent Anas al-Sharif, one of several journalists that Israel alleged, without evidence, were members of Hamas. On August 26, another five journalists were killed at Khan Yunis’ Nasser Hospital, sanctioned by an Israeli report that said a Hamas camera was the target and six “terrorists” were “eliminated.”

“Since October 7, 2023, Israel has emerged as a regional killer of journalists, with repeated incidents in Gaza, Lebanon, Iran, and now Yemen confirming Israel’s longstanding pattern of labeling journalists as terrorists or propagandists to justify their killings,” said CPJ Regional Program Director Sara Qudah. “Israel’s September 10 strikes on two newspaper offices in Yemen marks an alarming escalation, extending Israel’s war on journalism far beyond the genocide in Gaza. This latest killing spree is not only a grave violation of international law, but also a terrifying warning to journalists across the region: no place is safe.”

CPJ research shows that Israel has killed 193 journalists and media workers in Gaza, six in Lebanon, three in Iran, and 31 in Yemen since the start of the Gaza war. CPJ has determined that at least nine of the 31 are journalists and is still investigating details on other press members in Yemen before updating its database with these numbers.

In Lebanon, three journalists were killed in an October 2024 overnight Israeli airstrike on a compound where 18 journalists were staying. The IDF said it targeted a site where “terrorists were operating,” referring to the Iranian-backed Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, which — like the Houthis — had been firing rockets and drones into Israel, in what it described as “solidarity” with Gaza. 

Mourners carry caskets during a funeral for journalists who were killed the previous week in an Israeli airstrikes on Sanaa.
Mourners carry caskets during a funeral on September 16 for Yemeni journalists killed the previous week in Israeli airstrikes on Sanaa. (Photo: AFP/Mohammed Huwais)

The journalists who died worked for pro-Hezbollah channel Al-Mayadeen and Hezbollah-owned station Al-Manar. The IDF later acknowledged that journalists were among the casualties and said the incident was under review. 

In Iran, one journalist and one media worker died on June 16, 2025, after an Israeli strike hit the headquarters of Iran’s state-owned television channel, which Defense Minister Israel Katz said targeted “the Iranian regime’s propaganda and incitement broadcasting authority.”  Another journalist died the day before in an Israeli strike near Quds Square in the capital, Tehran, as he was driving from a meeting. 

With strict censorship, Yemeni journalists pay ‘a double price’ 

It has proven nearly impossible for Yemeni journalists to report on the aftermath of recent Israeli and U.S. attacks due to Houthi authorities’ strict censorship, three journalists and press freedom representatives told CPJ, on condition of anonymity, citing fear of reprisals.

Within hours of the September 10 strikes, the Public Prosecutor banned the publication of photos and videos from the target sites. This followed a May directive requiring people wishing to film or report within Sanaa to obtain prior authorization from the information ministry. 

“Yemeni journalists are paying a double price for their work — first from deadly Israeli airstrikes targeting journalists and media outlets, and second from local actors, including the Houthis, who use the war as a pretext to expand repression,” Yousef Hazeb, head of the National Organization of Yemeni Reporters (SADA), told CPJ.

The ongoing violence in Yemen is another risk factor. On September 16, further Israeli strikes disrupted the funerals of the 31 journalists and media workers and other civilians killed on September 10.

Yemen has long been one of the world’s most dangerous countries for journalists, where they endure systematic repression from multiple warring parties. Arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, blocking of online outlets, and unfair trials occur with near-total impunity.

“There is fear this Israeli attack will go unpunished, encouraging Israel and other parties to commit further violations and putting Yemeni journalists’ lives and freedoms at greater risk,” Khalil Kamel, Monitoring and Documentation Officer at the Yemen Observatory for Media Freedoms, a local advocacy group, told CPJ. 

“The impunity of all parties — Houthis, the Yemeni government, the Southern Transitional Council, and Al-Qaeda — has emboldened them to commit even more brutal abuses against journalists,” he said, referring to four combatant groups active in Yemen.  

The names of the 31 journalists and media workers killed are listed here and here. 

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Agence France-Presse (AFP) Fact Check’s investigation led them to an India-based creator, who admitted creating the video with the help of AI-generative tools. His justification was disarmingly straightforward: emotionally engaging visuals perform well online. This was just one of the many digitally-manufactured “miracles” put into social media heavy rotation during the floods. Another clip, showing a bridge collapsing into floodwaters swallowing vehicles and human lives, seemed to have been lifted straight out of a Roland Emmerich disaster film. The video racked up more than 2 million views on X before it was debunked as AI-generated by Factly. What made this social media post stand out for me was the identity of one of the people sharing it – an experienced news editor. The post, still pinned on his X profile and with more than 2 million views, suggests that even experienced newsroom decision-makers could be fooled by synthetic disaster footage – or, worse still, be untroubled about the veracity of such videos. Both videos incorporate the visual language of short films, but were not released in cinemas or on Netflix. They surfaced on Facebook, X and Instagram, even as emergency teams continued to search for the thousands of people that went missing after a glacial collapse triggered devastating floods in Nepal and Tibet on August 26. Even as survivors photographed authentic eyewitness footage, synthetic visuals emerged alongside them. The floods became one of the first major climate disasters in South Asia where documentation and fabrication coexisted in the same visual ecosystem.     Screenshot of debunked Nepal floods footage “During earlier disasters, our primary challenge was identifying old footage, establishing where a video was recorded and determining whether it was being presented in the correct context,” Saurabh Shukla told Index. 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These inevitably blurry and shaky recordings do not have the polished quality of professional news reporting, but do carry something far more consequential: the credibility that comes with eyewitness documentation. These images often shape the core of the collective memory of a tragedy. But in an age of visual manipulation and trickery, that presumption of authenticity no longer holds. Factly conducted 30 fact-checks into coverage of the Nepal floods; fully one-third involved AI-generated visuals. “Beyond checking the location, source, and context of a visual, we also had to establish whether the visual itself was authentic,” Akshay Kumar Appani, lead fact checker and researcher at Factly, told Index. “During breaking disasters, old AI-generated visuals can spread rapidly while being presented as current footage. This makes it harder for journalists to establish the truth. The visual of the miracle child perfectly captured this dilemma. It was designed to evoke an emotional reaction; but it also looked like the kind of footage that journalists hope to find during crisis reporting. The video was vertically filmed. The camera movement was wobbly. The lighting was grainy. The muffled background sound felt believable. The video presented none of the glaring distortions that once made AI interventions easy to spot. Fabricated videos, today, can be produced to mimic the aesthetics of authentic citizen journalism. It was for this precise reason that the floods presented journalists with a crisis that went beyond recognising AI-generated images: they were increasingly obliged to verify whether the footage reaching them was genuine in the first place. Screenshot of video debunked by Factly Newsmobile’s verification process increasingly involves examining individual frames, conducting reverse-image searches, analysing visual inconsistencies and using AI-detection tools where appropriate. “However, detection tools are only one part of the process. We still need corroboration,” Shukla said. “We cannot rely solely on automated detection tools,” Sumit Dubey, South Asia digital verification editor for AFP’s Fact Check vertical, told Index. Fact-checking, he explained, requires going beyond automated outputs: tracing the original source, examining context, verifying metadata, looking for corroborating evidence and, where possible, speaking to relevant sources. “Automated tools are useful indicators, but fact-checking cannot be outsourced to a button,” Dubey said. The proliferation of synthetic media output in the wake of natural disasters is not new. It’s the sophistication of the output that has changed. For years, much of the public conversation around AI manipulation centred on faces: celebrity deepfakes, altered political speeches and fabricated portraits. The Nepal floods flipped that narrative. Almost every fabricated clip featured rivers, glaciers, collapsing hillsides, dams, flooded valleys or stranded animals. “AI-generated environmental content poses a different problem: [the] tells are failures of physics rather than anatomy,” Mahsa Alimardani told Index. Alimardani is associate director for technology threats and opportunities at Witness, a global organisation helping people use video and technology to protect and defend human rights This explains why the Nepal videos were so plausible. The miracle girl video wasn’t believable just because of her facial expressions. 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