Close Menu
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
Trending

Bibi Tearing Up the Deal

16 minutes ago

Ethiopian journalist Salsawit Baynesagn detained without charge

23 minutes ago

GoMining challenges Jack Dorsey’s Square with a pure BTC payment rail

35 minutes ago
Facebook X (Twitter) Instagram
Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Market Data Newsletter
Friday, June 19
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Home»News»Media & Culture»The IRS’s Verification System for Sharing Taxpayer Data With ICE Would Have Accepted ‘Don’t Care 12345’ as a Valid Address
Media & Culture

The IRS’s Verification System for Sharing Taxpayer Data With ICE Would Have Accepted ‘Don’t Care 12345’ as a Valid Address

News RoomBy News Room3 months agoNo Comments6 Mins Read1,134 Views
Share Facebook Twitter Pinterest Copy Link LinkedIn Tumblr Email VKontakte Telegram
The IRS’s Verification System for Sharing Taxpayer Data With ICE Would Have Accepted ‘Don’t Care 12345’ as a Valid Address
Share
Facebook Twitter Pinterest Email Copy Link

Listen to the article

0:00
0:00

Key Takeaways

Playback Speed

Select a Voice

from the what-a-mess dept

We’re a couple weeks late to this one, but it deserves more attention than it received. As the Washington Post first reported, a federal judge has found that the IRS violated federal law 42,695 times when it handed over confidential taxpayer addresses to ICE last summer. But the raw number, staggering as it is, undersells how absurd this whole thing was. The details of how it happened are so much worse.

Federal law has a pretty basic safeguard built in: before the IRS can hand over a taxpayer’s home address to another agency, the requesting agency has to provide the name and address of the person they’re looking for — specifically to prevent the government from using tax records as a fishing expedition against people it hasn’t already identified.

Can you guess how the Trump IRS’s actual verification process worked when ICE wanted addresses? I’m betting you absolutely can.

The judge, U.S. District Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly, laid it out in devastating detail. When ICE sent over its massive datafile of 1.28 million records, the IRS ran two different matching processes. For requests where ICE included a Social Security number, the IRS used something called “TIN Matching” — which checked that the name and SSN matched IRS records. What TIN Matching did not do was verify that ICE had actually provided a real address. The only address-related check was an automated filter that looked for whether the address field contained something resembling a zip code — meaning, any five-digit or nine-digit number.

That was it. That was the safeguard.

As Judge Kollar-Kotelly pointedly observed:

A zip code is not an address, and a zip code proxy, as the IRS would define it, might as well be a set of random numbers. For instance, ICE could have submitted a request with an “address” like, “Don’t Care 12345,” or, “00000,” and still received a taxpayer’s address through the IRS’s TIN Matching process.

And this was the process used for the overwhelming majority of the disclosures. Of the 47,289 taxpayer addresses the IRS shared with ICE, 90.3% — those 42,695 — went through TIN Matching, the process that never actually checked the address. Only 9.7% went through a process that bothered to verify ICE had provided a matching address.

So when the IRS’s own Chief Risk and Control Officer, Dottie Romo, filed a supplemental declaration with the court admitting the agency “may have supplied last known addresses to ICE” in cases where the data was “either incomplete or insufficiently populated,” that was putting it generously. The judge’s opinion catalogs what ICE actually submitted as “addresses” in many of these cases:

In other words, the IRS not only failed to ensure that ICE’s request for confidential taxpayer address information met the statutory requirements, but this failure led the IRS to disclose confidential taxpayer addresses to ICE in situations where ICE’s request for that information was patently deficient. The IRS, for example, disclosed to ICE the last known addresses for taxpayers in situations where ICE supplied an “address of the taxpayer” in its request that contained “language indicating that the address was not complete, such as ‘Failed to Provide,’ ‘Unknown Address,’ or ‘NA NA.’” ….The IRS also disclosed to ICE the last known addresses of taxpayers where the ICE-supplied address was missing essential information, such as “a street name or street number.” … Still more, the IRS disclosed to ICE the last known addresses of taxpayers where the ICE-supplied address “referred to, described, or named specific locations”—examples of which are “jails, detention facilities, or prisons”—and “the corresponding city, state, and zip code” for those locations, but did not include “the street names and street numbers where the buildings or facilities are located.”

“Failed to Provide.” “Unknown Address.” “NA NA.” The system was designed not to catch these deficient requests. The TIN Matching process, as the judge noted, “was not designed to identify the additional types of data insufficiencies.” Of course it wasn’t. Because the process never looked at the address field in any meaningful way to begin with.

Nina Olson, founder of the Center for Taxpayer Rights (which brought the suit), told the Washington Post there was no precedent for anything like this:

“I don’t know of any opinion about the IRS like this. The kinds of mass requests that are coming in are unprecedented.”

And then there’s the timeline of what happened after the government figured out what it had done, which is deeply disturbing as well. The Department of Treasury identified the problems on January 23, 2026. That very same day, it notified DHS. Also on that very same day, the sole ICE official who had access to the illegally disclosed taxpayer data gave two additional ICE officials access to it. The stated reason was “for the purpose of allowing [them] to create an adequate system of safeguards for the data.”

So on the day they found out the data was obtained in violation of federal law, the first move was to give more people access to the illegally obtained data.

And when did the government get around to telling the court and the plaintiffs about these 42,695 violations of federal law? Nearly three weeks later, on February 11. As the judge noted, Defendants “informed DHS right away, but they waited nearly three weeks to inform Plaintiffs and the Court.” The opinion goes on to observe that this, along with the broader pattern, “undercut many representations made by Defendants during this litigation” and reflects, “at the very least, a disconnect between the agency clients and counsel, which leads to some concern regarding the completeness of the administrative record.”

“Some concern.” That’s judicial restraint doing a lot of heavy lifting.

The case is now before the DC Circuit, where the government is appealing Judge Kollar-Kotelly’s earlier order blocking the data-sharing arrangement. In the meantime, DHS has been defending the program as essential to immigration enforcement, with a spokesperson offering the standard line to the Washington Post about how “information sharing across agencies is essential to identify who is in our country, including violent criminals.” Which might be more compelling if the agency’s actual implementation hadn’t involved waving through requests with “NA NA” where the address was supposed to go.

A judge has now formally documented that the IRS broke federal taxpayer confidentiality law tens of thousands of times in a single data dump, using a verification process so hollow that literal gibberish would have passed muster — and when the government discovered this, its first move was to expand access to the illegally obtained data and wait three weeks before telling the court. And yet the government is still fighting to keep the underlying program alive.

Filed Under: dhs, ice, irs, taxpayer info

Read the full article here

Fact Checker

Verify the accuracy of this article using AI-powered analysis and real-time sources.

Get Your Fact Check Report

Enter your email to receive detailed fact-checking analysis

5 free reports remaining

Continue with Full Access

You've used your 5 free reports. Sign up for unlimited access!

Already have an account? Sign in here

#DigitalTransformation #FutureOfMedia #IndependentMedia #OnlineMedia #TechMedia #TechNews
Share. Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIn Tumblr Email Telegram Copy Link
News Room
  • Website
  • Facebook
  • X (Twitter)
  • Instagram
  • LinkedIn

The FSNN News Room is the voice of our in-house journalists, editors, and researchers. We deliver timely, unbiased reporting at the crossroads of finance, cryptocurrency, and global politics, providing clear, fact-driven analysis free from agendas.

Related Articles

Media & Culture

Bibi Tearing Up the Deal

16 minutes ago
Media & Culture

Celebrating American Freedom Means Celebrating Juneteenth

1 hour ago
Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Texas Brothers Plead Guilty to $8M Armed Crypto Kidnapping

2 hours ago
AI & Censorship

EFF Joins 60+ Groups Urging the UK to Halt Face Estimation at the Border

2 hours ago
Media & Culture

Did California’s Gubernatorial Race Reveal the Limits of ‘Abundance’ Politics on the Left?

2 hours ago
AI & Censorship

The UK’s New Under-16 Social Media Ban Will Cause More Harm Than It Prevents

3 hours ago
Add A Comment

Comments are closed.

Editors Picks

Ethiopian journalist Salsawit Baynesagn detained without charge

23 minutes ago

GoMining challenges Jack Dorsey’s Square with a pure BTC payment rail

35 minutes ago

Former Ethereum Foundation Contributor Warns of ‘Slow-Burning’ Funding Crisis

36 minutes ago

Celebrating American Freedom Means Celebrating Juneteenth

1 hour ago
Latest Posts

A tiny proportion of sexual violence cases in Tigray have led to prosecution This article is written in two voices: First, Birhan Gebrekirstos Mezgbo, a researcher and advocate who lived through the Tigray war, then Veronica Blecker, director of the upcoming documentary on sexual violence in Tigray, Not Ours to Carry. Birhan: The moment everything shut down, it felt like the world had disappeared around us. No phone. No internet. No transportation. No banking. No way to know who was alive and who was not. My mother and sister were only around 120 kilometres away from me, but suddenly they felt unreachable, like they were in another universe. I couldn’t call them, I couldn’t travel to see them, and I had no way to know if they were safe. That silence was one of the hardest things I have ever lived through. Honestly, I don’t think the word “blackout” is enough to describe it. What made it worse was knowing that this darkness was not just about communication being cut. The darkness itself became dangerous. Everywhere you turned there was fear. Soldiers, killers, rapists, all operating inside this silence from which nobody could call for help or even tell the world what was happening. The blackout became part of the violence. At the time, I was meeting with survivors of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence. I still remember walking for almost three hours to reach one survivor after being told where she was staying. When I arrived, she was gone. I walked that same route again and again, trying to find her. I never did. Veronica: The blackout was not simply the absence of communication. It was a weapon. The violence happened inside a closed circle, surrounded by guns and with no way in or out – not only from Tigray, but even within Tigray itself. Phone lines were cut, the internet was shut down, journalists were expelled, roads were blocked. The darkness was deliberate. It ensured that violence could happen unseen and unheard. Birhan: For survivors of conflict-related sexual violence, this darkness was devastating. Accessing medical care, reporting abuse, or seeking support became almost impossible. Ayder Hospital in Mekelle was one of the few facilities still functioning, sustained largely by the commitment of volunteer doctors and nurses. But reaching it could take weeks or even months. Along the way, survivors often faced even more violence. I still think about Abeba. She was raped three different times while trying to reach help in Mekelle. I often wonder whether her life would have been different if support had been available closer to where she lived. Instead, the journey to seek care exposed her to further harm. Eventually, she lost her life. For me, her story captures what the blackout did to so many survivors. The violence did not end with the assault. The darkness allowed it to continue. Veronica: Between 2020 and 2022, an estimated 600,000 people were killed in Tigray. The Commission of Inquiry on the Situation in the Tigray Region documented more than 280,000 cases of conflict-related sexual violence. A mere 25 military convictions have followed. Even if survivors could bring themselves to speak, to tell the world what was happening and what had happened to them, they are trapped inside a system of fear. In a system where armed men control every road and every community, speaking out can feel like a death sentence. I arrived after the blackout had already done its work. The violence had happened in the dark. There was physical evidence – detention sites, signs of torture, a landscape scarred by war. But there was little footage of the violence as it happened. The blackout had made sure of this. Every editorial decision – how to film testimony, how to protect identities, how to structure the narrative – was made in the knowledge that the official position was that there was nothing to document. These were the decisions that shaped Not Ours to Carry. The film captures what denial looks like in practice. One of the protagonists stands before the African Commission on Human Rights and reads survivor testimony into the official record. Later on, in the same session, the Ethiopian delegation responds on camera, rejecting in its totality what they call “baseless allegations”. The protagonist’s verdict: “Every time I go to these institutions, I feel like a clown in somebody’s circus. Going there and speaking is doing nothing but adding to their show.” Both governments were offered the right to reply. Ethiopia rejected the allegations in their totality. Eritrea did not respond. The denial is not historical. It is ongoing. What we documented is not only a record of violence. It is a record of censorship: the systematic suppression of evidence, testimony, and truth by governments that knew exactly what silence would allow. Survivors of conflict-related sexual violence carry two wounds. The first is what has been done to them. The second is being told that it didn’t happen – being told this by perpetrators, by institutions, by communities that impose shame rather than offer compassion and justice. The blackout prevented documentation. Then the world chose not to look. The silence did not end when the internet came back on. Birhan: I keep speaking because the difference between me and many of the women whose stories I carry is often nothing more than luck. I witnessed their pain and suffering, and I cannot simply move on with my life and ignore it. This is not only my voice; it carries the voices of hundreds of thousands of women and girls. From four-year-old children to grandmothers in their eighties. There can be no real accountability, and no meaningful future, if those voices continue to be ignored. That silence is not only theirs to break. It is ours too. Not Ours to Carry is premiering on 6 July at the Sevil International Women’s Documentary Film Festival, Azerbaijan’s only independent documentary film festival dedicated to women’s issues and gender equality If readers want to support survivors directly, donations go to One Stop Centres in Tigray here: https://www.notourstocarry.com/donate READ MORE

1 hour ago

Franklin Templeton proposes new funds that turn dividends into BTC: Crypto Daily

2 hours ago

Bitcoin’s ‘Deep Value’ Discount Faces Hawkish Fed Test: Bitwise

2 hours ago

Subscribe to News

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

At FSNN – Free Speech News Network, we deliver unfiltered reporting and in-depth analysis on the stories that matter most. From breaking headlines to global perspectives, our mission is to keep you informed, empowered, and connected.

FSNN.net is owned and operated by GlobalBoost Media
, an independent media organization dedicated to advancing transparency, free expression, and factual journalism across the digital landscape.

Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
Latest News

Bibi Tearing Up the Deal

16 minutes ago

Ethiopian journalist Salsawit Baynesagn detained without charge

23 minutes ago

GoMining challenges Jack Dorsey’s Square with a pure BTC payment rail

35 minutes ago

Subscribe to Updates

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

© 2026 GlobalBoost Media. All Rights Reserved.
  • Privacy Policy
  • Terms of Service
  • Our Authors
  • Contact

Type above and press Enter to search. Press Esc to cancel.

🍪

Cookies

We and our selected partners wish to use cookies to collect information about you for functional purposes and statistical marketing. You may not give us your consent for certain purposes by selecting an option and you can withdraw your consent at any time via the cookie icon.

Cookie Preferences

Manage Cookies

Cookies are small text that can be used by websites to make the user experience more efficient. The law states that we may store cookies on your device if they are strictly necessary for the operation of this site. For all other types of cookies, we need your permission. This site uses various types of cookies. Some cookies are placed by third party services that appear on our pages.

Your permission applies to the following domains:

  • https://fsnn.net
Necessary
Necessary cookies help make a website usable by enabling basic functions like page navigation and access to secure areas of the website. The website cannot function properly without these cookies.
Statistic
Statistic cookies help website owners to understand how visitors interact with websites by collecting and reporting information anonymously.
Preferences
Preference cookies enable a website to remember information that changes the way the website behaves or looks, like your preferred language or the region that you are in.
Marketing
Marketing cookies are used to track visitors across websites. The intention is to display ads that are relevant and engaging for the individual user and thereby more valuable for publishers and third party advertisers.