Close Menu
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
Trending

Government Shouldn’t Be Important Enough To Fight Over

32 minutes ago

Bitcoin (BTC) price holds key support as market eyes next move toward $80,000

54 minutes ago

Celsius Founder Mashinsky Settles FTC Case With $10M Payment

55 minutes ago
Facebook X (Twitter) Instagram
Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Market Data Newsletter
Wednesday, April 29
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Home»News»Media & Culture»UK Supreme Court Affirms Ruling That Oatly Can’t Use ‘Milk’ In Its Almond Milk Branding
Media & Culture

UK Supreme Court Affirms Ruling That Oatly Can’t Use ‘Milk’ In Its Almond Milk Branding

News RoomBy News Room2 months agoNo Comments5 Mins Read1,318 Views
Share Facebook Twitter Pinterest Copy Link LinkedIn Tumblr Email VKontakte Telegram
UK Supreme Court Affirms Ruling That Oatly Can’t Use ‘Milk’ In Its Almond Milk Branding
Share
Facebook Twitter Pinterest Email Copy Link

Listen to the article

0:00
0:00

Key Takeaways

Playback Speed

Select a Voice

from the the-almond-bothers dept

Back in 2023, we talked about a strange trademark dispute out of the UK concerning oat-based milk products. Specifically, Oatly, a large producer of oat milk, applied for a trademark in the UK for its slogan, “Post Milk Generation.” Dairy UK, a lobbying organization representing dairy farmers in the country, opposed the trademark in the application stage, arguing that a UK regulation prevented any company from using the word “milk” in conjunction with “products that are not mammary secretions.” Oatly successfully argued that its slogan did not run afoul of the regulation because it was both not suggesting that its product was milk and was instead describing the consumers of Oatly’s product, or the generation that was moving beyond milk. In other words, there was no association being made with milk here; in fact, the opposite was the messaging.

That should have been the end of this nonsense. Instead, Dairy UK appealed that decision and the London Court of Appeal reversed the lower court’s decision. Suddenly, Oatly could not trademark the slogan, nor use it on its products, ostensibly.

Oatly stated that the reversing of the decision was absurd and clearly a ploy by Dairy UK to limit competition with its members. The company appealed up to the UK Supreme Court which, amazingly, affirmed that Oatly cannot have its slogan trademarked.

The UK Supreme Court has unanimously ruled that Oatly cannot use its “Post Milk Generation” trademark on oat-based food and drink, handing a landmark victory to the dairy industry, as it contends with record-low farm numbers, falling retail volumes, and collapsing wholesale prices.

The judgment arrives at a precarious moment for British dairy. The number of British dairy farms has fallen to a record low of 7,010 — an 85% decline from an estimated 46,000 in 1980, according to industry estimates and the Agriculture and Horticulture Development Board (AHDB). 

It’s hard to see this as anything other than a national-level court falling all over itself to protect a domestic industry from foreign competition. The explanation the court offered for its decision is equally confusing. For one, while Oatly pointed out again that its use of the word “milk” in the slogan is not describing the product, but the consumer, the court said that doesn’t matter at all. The word instead simply suffers from a blanket ban on any marketing or trade dress if it doesn’t come from a nipple.

Then, when Oatly also points out that its use obliquely informs the public that the product does not contain milk — hence the “post milk generation” language –, the court points out that because Oatly has stated that the slogan doesn’t describe the product, any insinuation about the product itself doesn’t count as it’s not direct and clear enough.

The second: even if the word “milk” is caught, is Oatly saved by an exception that allows protected terms when they “clearly” describe a quality of the product, such as being milk-free? Again, the court said no. Lords Hamblen and Burrows, writing for the unanimous panel of five justices, held that the slogan describes a type of consumer — younger people turning away from dairy — rather than anything about the product itself.

Even if it could be read as referencing a milk-free quality, it does so in an “oblique and obscure way” that fails to clarify whether the product is entirely milk-free or merely low in dairy content.

This is the court acknowledging explicitly that Oatly’s slogan is not describing the product, but the consumer. It also claims that a slogan that describes a consumer that has moved beyond milk isn’t clear enough as to whether the product is sufficiently non-milk. What?

All the court has demonstrated is that Oatly is definitely not trying to call its product milk and is not trying to confuse anyone with its slogan. For that, Oatly doesn’t get its trademark.

Again, the lobbying efforts here are quite clear. And they appear to have influenced the court’s decision. In fact, what Dairy UK is trying to restrict goes well beyond the word “milk” to the point of absurdity.

The Supreme Court has emerged from years of lobbying action. An investigation by Greenpeace’s Unearthed, based on documents obtained through disclosure, revealed that Dairy UK had been lobbying for tighter enforcement of dairy term protections since at least 2017. 

Committee meeting notes showed the association presented “the issue of misuse of protected dairy terms” to a Business Experts Group panel and was subsequently tasked by Defra with developing a briefing paper for the Food Standards Information Focus Group (FSIG).

Dairy UK submitted a position paper to Defra in November 2022, backing FSIG draft proposals that would have gone significantly further — banning descriptors such as “yoghurt-style,” homophones like “mylk,” and even phrases like “not milk.” Forty-four plant-based companies and NGOs, including Alpro, Oatly, Quorn, and the Good Food Institute, co-signed an open letter opposing the restrictions.

If we’ve reached the point in which someone who doesn’t produce milk can’t point out on its trade dress that their product is “not milk”, then we’ve crossed the Rubicon into a land of dumb.

Was the court solely looking to protect suffering UK dairy farmers in its decision? I can’t say so for sure. But what is very clear is that nothing in its decision has anything to do with protecting the public from deception, which is the entire point of trademark law to begin with.

Filed Under: oat milk, post milk generation, trademark, uk

Companies: dairy uk, oatly

Read the full article here

Fact Checker

Verify the accuracy of this article using AI-powered analysis and real-time sources.

Get Your Fact Check Report

Enter your email to receive detailed fact-checking analysis

5 free reports remaining

Continue with Full Access

You've used your 5 free reports. Sign up for unlimited access!

Already have an account? Sign in here

#ContentCreators #DigitalCulture #DigitalTransformation #OpenInternet #TechIndustry #Web3
Share. Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIn Tumblr Email Telegram Copy Link
News Room
  • Website
  • Facebook
  • X (Twitter)
  • Instagram
  • LinkedIn

The FSNN News Room is the voice of our in-house journalists, editors, and researchers. We deliver timely, unbiased reporting at the crossroads of finance, cryptocurrency, and global politics, providing clear, fact-driven analysis free from agendas.

Related Articles

Media & Culture

Government Shouldn’t Be Important Enough To Fight Over

32 minutes ago
Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Judge Shoots Down Sam Bankman-Fried’s Bid for New Trial

2 hours ago
Media & Culture

Today in Supreme Court History: April 28, 2015

3 hours ago
Media & Culture

Brickbat: Don’t Take Your Guns to Town

4 hours ago
Media & Culture

The Evidence Revolution: Why ‘Take Nobody’s Word for It’ Really Matters

5 hours ago
Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Jack Dorsey’s Block Discloses $2.2B Bitcoin Holdings in Q1 Proof-of-Reserves Report

5 hours ago
Add A Comment

Comments are closed.

Editors Picks

Bitcoin (BTC) price holds key support as market eyes next move toward $80,000

54 minutes ago

Celsius Founder Mashinsky Settles FTC Case With $10M Payment

55 minutes ago

“I have been expelled from my country. Stripped of my home, my ability to return, to see loved ones, to visit my mother’s grave. I have nothing but what I carry” – Shchyrakova on her release in 2025 “I am staying in Belarus. I will not run. I am ready to spend time in prison for the chance to live in my homeland.” That was the firm—though now I’m no longer sure it was the right—decision I made after the 2020 presidential election in Belarus, as the machinery of repression began accelerating against journalists, civil society, and, more broadly, anyone unwilling to accept dictatorship, violence, and systemic human rights abuses. For the next two years, I lived in a constant, suffocating anticipation of arrest. Fear became a permanent companion: that at any moment, they would come for me. I listened to every sound outside, watched every movement, wondering if this was it. At home, I kept a “go bag” packed with essentials for prison. Paradoxically, this anticipation sharpened my sense of life. Every day of freedom felt like a gift. Conversations with my son, meetings with friends, walks with my dog—all carried the weight of possible finality. It was a kind of anxious happiness. At the beginning of 2022, for safety reasons, I left journalism and began pursuing long-postponed ambitions: studying psychology and working on ethnographic photography projects. These gave meaning to my days and dulled the fear—but never fully. So when they finally came, on a grey, freezing December morning, I felt something unexpected: relief. The waiting was over. I was charged with “discrediting the Republic of Belarus”—for expressing critical views about Alyaksandr Lukashenka, the government, and security forces during an interview. Later, another equally absurd criminal charge was added. During the investigation, I was held in a pre-trial detention center in my hometown of Homel. Cells held six to eight women—cramped spaces with barred windows offering only a sliver of sky. We were allowed outside for one hour a day, into a small concrete yard enclosed by bars overhead. Books became a lifeline. From the prison library and bookshop, I managed to access literature that helped me endure. One book in particular—Viktor Frankl’s Man’s Search for Meaning—became essential. A survivor of Nazi concentration camps, Frankl argued that survival depends on finding meaning even in suffering. I found mine in self-education: psychology, foreign languages, the prison system, and the social realities revealed in conversations with fellow inmates. Seven months later, my trial began. But calling it a trial is misleading—it was a performance of justice, not justice itself. The outcome was predetermined. There was no point in proving innocence or invoking constitutional rights to free expression. The sentence: three and a half years in prison. I chose not to appeal. I had no faith in the system and no desire to prolong my imprisonment. Life in the penal colony Penal colony no. 4 in Homel where Larysya was detained The first week in the colony felt almost euphoric. I could walk without escort, hands at my sides, see the open sky without bars, notice trees, flowers, grass. Then reality set in. Daily life became monotonous and harsh: strict regime, discrimination against political prisoners, constant uncertainty, forced labour six days a week in a sewing factory for negligible pay, and toxic interpersonal dynamics. One of the hardest aspects was the lack of personal space—living among 90 other women under constant psychological strain. There were mandatory screenings of propaganda films, including graphic World War II footage—violence, suffering, mass death—that was mentally overwhelming. The rules were often arbitrary and absurd. I resisted where I could. Sharing food or belongings with others was forbidden—I did it anyway, risking punishment. Studying foreign languages or psychology was effectively banned—the relevant books removed from the library—but I found ways to continue learning. Communication between political prisoners from different units was prohibited—I maintained contact, exchanged information, even smuggled notes hidden in clothing. I never stopped being a journalist. I spoke with inmates and staff—essentially conducting interviews—gathering and analysing stories, discussing them with others. The only thing I lacked was the ability to publish. Behind each prisoner’s story were broader social issues: addiction, domestic violence, lack of parental care, poor communication skills, low stress resilience. I observed firsthand how the penitentiary system functioned—archaic, punitive, and ineffective in rehabilitation. One of the few opportunities for expression came through cultural events, especially group discussions of films. War films became an opportunity to indirectly criticise Russia’s war against Ukraine. I spoke openly: war is not heroic—it is violence, suffering, death. These were, unmistakably, pacifist statements about the present. During a discussion about Alexander Pushkin, I recited poetry about freedom, dignity, and resistance to tyranny—words that resonated deeply with fellow political prisoners. Not all such moments went unnoticed. During a discussion titled “healthy family,” I spoke out against discrimination toward LGBTQ+ people, arguing for equality and the right to marriage. I was stopped mid-speech—but the consequences followed: a month of cleaning toilets and corridors, and transfer to another unit. Political prisoners were forced to work six days a week in a sewing factory for negligible pay Pardon and exile My release through a presidential pardon was not entirely unexpected. Even before my arrest, I believed I would not serve the full term. The regime has a history of using political prisoners as bargaining chips. In summer 2025 there were negotiations involving US envoy John Coale and Alyaksandr Lukashenka. As a result, in exchange for sanctions relief 14 people were pardoned. On 10 September 2025, I was summoned and asked to write a pardon request. That evening, I was told to pack my belongings. The next morning, masked KGB officers transported us (four women from the colony) in a minibus. No explanations, no consent. Like cargo. Five hours later, we reached the Lithuanian border. John Coale welcomed us (52 political prisoners from different colonies), expressing sympathy and acknowledging our suffering. For the first time in nearly three years, we were treated with dignity. In Vilnius, a crowd gathered—activists, journalists, strangers who cared. I stood there in prison clothes, exhausted, disoriented, thinking: “I have been expelled from my country. Stripped of my home, my ability to return, to see loved ones, to visit my mother’s grave. I have nothing but what I carry.” And yet— I will return. I will return to a free Belarus. Until then, I live in Poland. I plan to return to journalism and continue my work in ethnographic photography. Life goes on. And the suffering—mine and that of many others—was not in vain. Freedom never comes without a price. READ MORE

2 hours ago

Crypto exchange KuCoin EU hires anti-money laundering talent to appease Austrian regulator, FMA

2 hours ago
Latest Posts

Can Bitcoin Break the Trend of Losses From New Fed Chairs?

2 hours ago

Judge Shoots Down Sam Bankman-Fried’s Bid for New Trial

2 hours ago

Today in Supreme Court History: April 28, 2015

3 hours ago

Subscribe to News

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

At FSNN – Free Speech News Network, we deliver unfiltered reporting and in-depth analysis on the stories that matter most. From breaking headlines to global perspectives, our mission is to keep you informed, empowered, and connected.

FSNN.net is owned and operated by GlobalBoost Media
, an independent media organization dedicated to advancing transparency, free expression, and factual journalism across the digital landscape.

Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
Latest News

Government Shouldn’t Be Important Enough To Fight Over

32 minutes ago

Bitcoin (BTC) price holds key support as market eyes next move toward $80,000

54 minutes ago

Celsius Founder Mashinsky Settles FTC Case With $10M Payment

55 minutes ago

Subscribe to Updates

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

© 2026 GlobalBoost Media. All Rights Reserved.
  • Privacy Policy
  • Terms of Service
  • Our Authors
  • Contact

Type above and press Enter to search. Press Esc to cancel.

🍪

Cookies

We and our selected partners wish to use cookies to collect information about you for functional purposes and statistical marketing. You may not give us your consent for certain purposes by selecting an option and you can withdraw your consent at any time via the cookie icon.

Cookie Preferences

Manage Cookies

Cookies are small text that can be used by websites to make the user experience more efficient. The law states that we may store cookies on your device if they are strictly necessary for the operation of this site. For all other types of cookies, we need your permission. This site uses various types of cookies. Some cookies are placed by third party services that appear on our pages.

Your permission applies to the following domains:

  • https://fsnn.net
Necessary
Necessary cookies help make a website usable by enabling basic functions like page navigation and access to secure areas of the website. The website cannot function properly without these cookies.
Statistic
Statistic cookies help website owners to understand how visitors interact with websites by collecting and reporting information anonymously.
Preferences
Preference cookies enable a website to remember information that changes the way the website behaves or looks, like your preferred language or the region that you are in.
Marketing
Marketing cookies are used to track visitors across websites. The intention is to display ads that are relevant and engaging for the individual user and thereby more valuable for publishers and third party advertisers.