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Home»News»Media & Culture»Trump’s Judge Pick Is The Guy Who First Suggested The Administration Start Murdering People In Boats
Media & Culture

Trump’s Judge Pick Is The Guy Who First Suggested The Administration Start Murdering People In Boats

News RoomBy News Room7 months agoNo Comments5 Mins Read1,020 Views
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Trump’s Judge Pick Is The Guy Who First Suggested The Administration Start Murdering People In Boats
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from the cadre-of-ghouls-that-at-least-look-the-part dept

This isn’t as surprising as it should be. After all, we’re talking about Emil Bove, who was elevated from being Trump’s personal lawyer to a spot in the Third Circuit Appeals Court for his loyalty to the MAGA Cause.

Emil Bove did at least spend some time as a government prosecutor, which is more than can be said about several other people Trump has turned into administration officials. But he’s also the guy whose first few months as the deputy attorney general doing things like dropping the DOJ’s corruption case against former NYC mayor Eric Adams once Adams made it clear he’d do whatever Trump asked of him.

He’s also the one who told DOJ prosecutors (most of whom have either quit or been fired for refusing to be part of the problem) to say “fuck you” to federal courts if they tried to get in the way of Trump’s mass deportation program.

So, to hear he might have been the first to pitch the extrajudicial killing of brown people doesn’t exactly provoke gasps of disbelief. It probably provokes more “well, of course he did” reactions from anyone who’s been paying attention to Bove’s actions and statements since his return to the [chokes a bit on the phrase] public service.

At a Justice Department conference in February, then-acting Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove told the department’s top drug prosecutors that the Trump administration wasn’t interested in interdicting suspected drug vessels at sea anymore. Instead, he said, the U.S. should “just sink the boats,” according to three people present for the speech.

That’s from NPR’s reporting on Bove’s comments, which were apparently delivered months before the administration finally got around to “just sinking boats.” Not that Bove’s comments contained any sort of legal guidance or justification for these extrajudicial strikes — the first ever carried out by any presidential administration.

That would arrive much, much later. In fact, it wouldn’t arrive until after the first strikes had already taken place, and they’ve been revised at least once in hopes of dodging judicial review of these actions.

No one’s actually coming forward to dispute Bove made these comments, and that includes Bove himself, as Reuters reports:

Reuters could not determine whether Bove, who left the department in early September to begin serving as a judge for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, was directly involved in discussions with the Pentagon about the plans to strike suspected drug vessels.

Bove declined to comment through a court spokesperson. A Justice Department spokesperson downplayed the recollections of the witnesses, calling them “disgruntled,” but did not dispute their account.

None of this adds up anything approaching the level of decorum — much less legal acumen — we hope would be the minimum expected of judges seated anywhere, but especially in a position where the only people capable of rejecting Bove’s legal opinions seem to be similarly compromised. These strikes are something even the nation’s foremost torture apologist — former DOJ Office of Legal Counsel deputy attorney general John Yoo — has publicly stated are both illegal and unconstitutional.

But this is the guy who sits in the Third Circuit Appeals Court, at least for now. Maybe his brief history of encouraging illegal and unconstitutional actions will catch up to him, as Jay Willis of Balls and Strikes hopefully suggests:

For my money, the most remarkable detail of this story is how unserious a person it shows Bove to be. Based on the timeline, his “just sink the boats” comments were not based on a carefully researched, thoroughly vetted opinion about the legality of using military airstrikes to murder civilians in international waters. Bove was just another sweaty, ladder-climbing try-hard who wormed his way into Trump’s inner circle, jumped at the chance to live out a vigilante justice fantasy, and trusted that actual lawyers would take care of the details for him. 

Bove’s alleged involvement in the airstrikes gives Democrats even more fodder for impeaching and removing him from office next time they control the House and Senate.

That’s a few too many “if’s” for my liking, but it does at least point out there’s a way to remove at least a few of Trump’s appointees, possibly even before Trump himself has exited the Oval Office.

But the bigger point is in the paragraph preceding the path to a forced exit: Bove is emblematic of the people in positions of power in the Trump administration. These are people who don’t care whether or not anything is constitutional or even legally-defensible under the most expansive definitions of executive power. They just do what they want to do and it’s up to the rest of the nation to stop them. And that plan that can’t really even be called a “plan” is working. Installing a murder proponent like Bove in an appellate court is just more grease on the wheels.

Filed Under: boat strikes, donald trump, drug war, emil bove, extrajudicial killings, murder, trump administration

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Upon her release, Sotoudeh thanked those who had supported her. “I have gained my freedom thanks to those who have always cared about us political prisoners in Iran,” she stated in a social media post. “We have many friends all over the world, from Iranians to non-Iranians whose hearts ache for the plight of modern humans who are constantly forced to pay a price to live a normal and dignified life.” The terrible irony of the situation is that if this had happened to someone else, Sotoudeh herself would have been the first port of call when looking for help, and she would no doubt have been one of the first to offer it.  Sotoudeh began practising law in 2003, after spending some time in her early career as a newspaper journalist writing about human rights violations. She worked on cases concerning children’s rights, representing juveniles sentenced to death or children facing domestic abuse, as well as cases involving women, ethnic minorities and religious minorities. Thus began a long, impressive career in fighting for human rights in Iran. Her husband Reza Khandan, a graphic designer turned activist whom she met at a hiking group and married in 1995, confirmed that her intention was always to be on the front lines of the fight for the protection of human rights. “Even before she became a lawyer I could see how much she wanted to help everyone,” he said in the 2020 documentary Nasrin.  Sotoudeh was one of the first to join the Campaign for One Million Signatures, a movement launched by Iranian women in 2006 to collect signatures in support of changing laws that were discriminatory against women. Although the movement garnered international support and acclaim, it was heavily suppressed by the authorities in Iran, who arrested and jailed many of the activists taking part in the campaign. Sotoudeh represented several of the persecuted campaign members herself and soon found herself in the crosshairs of the state. She was arrested for the first time in June 2008 while preparing to attend a gathering in Tehran to commemorate the National Day of Solidarity of Iranian Women. After representing several of the other women who were also arrested, she was put on trial herself in February 2009 for disturbing the public and disobeying the police, although she was never sentenced.  Refusing to be cowed by the experience, Sotoudeh continued to fight for women’s rights in the country, forming the Coalition of Women’s Rights Movement in the run up to the presidential election in 2009. This once more evoked the anger of the Iranian authorities, and she was arrested for the second time in 2010 on charges of spreading propaganda and conspiring to harm state security. This time, her detention was longer and she was kept in solitary confinement and denied visits or phone calls to her family, leading her to go on hunger strike for several weeks. In January 2011, Sotoudeh was sentenced to 11 years in jail before being released in September 2013 along with ten other political prisoners.  Sotoudeh continued to speak out against human rights violations in Iran, representing political prisoners and activists including members of the Girls of Revolution Street group who publicly removed their hijabs to protest Iran’s compulsory hijab law. 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