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Home»News»Global Free Speech»3 Nigerian journalists detained on cybercrime allegations, despite reform
Global Free Speech

3 Nigerian journalists detained on cybercrime allegations, despite reform

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Abuja, November 14, 2025—At least three journalists in Nigeria have been detained since August on allegations of violating the country’s Cybercrime Act, despite last year’s reform of the law, highlighting its ongoing use to harass the media. One journalist, known under the pen name Fejiro Oliver, has been behind bars since mid-September.

“Nigerian authorities appear stuck in an era where they see the Cybercrime Act as a readily available tool to harass the press, which is particularly concerning as citizens look to inform themselves ahead of national elections in early 2027,” said CPJ Africa Director Angela Quintal. “We call on authorities to repeal or reform sections of the Cybercrimes Act, and of the penal and criminal codes, that are regularly used to jail journalists”

In the countdown to Nigeria’s presidential and state elections in 2027, CPJ is increasingly concerned about press freedom in the country. During the year before the 2023 elections, CPJ documented at least five cases where police detained and charged journalists for cybercrimes in connection to their work.

  • On September 18, police detained Oliver, an investigative journalist and publisher of privately owned Secret Reporters news outlet, at his office in the Nigerian capital, Abuja, then flew him to Asaba, the capital of southern Delta State. Oliver’s real name is Tega Oghenedoro.

On October 3, Oliver was charged with cyberbullying, according to court documents, which CPJ reviewed, and his lawyer, Inibehe Effiong, who spoke with CPJ.

The charge sheet alleged that Oliver made several “malicious” publications on his Facebook account in July and August “aimed at destroying the reputation” of Delta State Governor Sheriff Francis Orohwedor Oborevwori by calling him “defamatory names and accusing him of incompetence” and “rigging.” In his reporting, Oliver has consistently alleged mismanagement by Oborevwori, according to CPJ’s review of the Secret Reporters site.

A 2021 photo shows Facebook’s logo on a smartphone screen. (Photo: APF/Kirill Kudryavtsev)

The same charge sheet accused the journalist of “cyberstalking” Delta State’s Central Senator, Ede Dafinone Omueya, with Facebook posts between May and July “aimed at destroying his reputation” by calling him names and accusing him of stealing.

The charge sheet said Obovwowri and Omueya made statements to the police and presented screenshots of the publication as evidence. 

Oborevwori’s spokesperson, Festus Ahon, told CPJ by phone on October 1 that the governor had not made any complaints against Oliver.

On October 16, Oliver was granted bail on condition that he provides 15 million naira (US$10,430) bail bond with two sureties to take responsibility for his obligations to the court, according to the privately owned Daily South Nigeria news site. 

Oliver remains behind bars as he was unable to meet this requirement, Effiong told CPJ.

On October 17, authorities filed two more defamation charges under the criminal code, accusing Oliver of seeking to “injure the reputation” of two other politicians with corruption allegations and insults on Facebook between February and May, according to copies of the charge sheets, reviewed by CPJ. On October 29, Oliver was granted bail in these cases, Effiong said.

CPJ’s requests for comment to Omueye and Delta State police spokesperson Edefa Bright via phone and messaging app did not receive any replies.

  • In August, Azuka Francisca Ogujiuba, publisher of the privately owned Media Room Hub news site, was arrested twice in Abuja for publishing a court injunction related to a disputed land sale, she told CPJ. The first time, she was held for five hours; the second time, for three days. Police searched and retained her phone for five days.

On August 11, she was released after interventions from friends, taking down the article, and writing an apology.

Fisayo Soyombo, founder of the Foundation for Investigative Journalism, appears in an interview in 2021.
Fisayo Soyombo, founder of the Foundation for Investigative Journalism, appears in an interview in 2021. (Screenshot: TVC News Nigeria/YouTube)
  • On September 9, police in western Ekiti State detained Sodeeq Atanda, a reporter with the privately owned Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ), on allegations of cyberbullying, criminal defamation, conspiracy, blackmail, and malicious misrepresentation. Atanda was responding to a letter summoning him for questioning, following a complaint by a university vice-chancellor over FIJ’s allegations of sexual harassment.

FIJ founder Fisayo Soyombo told CPJ that Atanda was detained for 11 hours, then freed without charge after multiple calls for his release. Police also wrote to ask Soyombo to come in for questioning on cyberbullying charges.

Ekiti State police spokesperson Abutu Sunday told CPJ that police were constitutionally empowered to invite journalists for questioning.

FIJ has been the target of repeated harassment. Police assaulted FIJ reporter Daniel Ojukwu in August after he asked them to comment on extortion allegations and journalist Emmanuel Uti was threatened by a businessman in September after he reported allegations of fraud.

Reached by CPJ, Lagos State police spokesperson Abimbola Adebis said he would investigate the matter, then provided several other police phone numbers to call for comment but CPJ’s calls were not answered.

Journalists jailed and harassed

Nigerian President Bola Tinubu in Paris in 2024.
President Tinubu in Paris in 2024. (Photo:AFP/ Sarah Meyssonnier)

In February 2024, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signed the cybercrime amendments into law, reducing the scope of Section 24, which now relates to computer communications that are pornographic, “known to be false for the purpose of causing breakdown of law and order or posing a threat to life.” But these reforms left journalists at risk of arrest and maintained that section’s penalty of up to three years in prison.

CPJ research shows that at least 25 journalists faced prosecuted under the Cybercrimes Act before the 2024 reforms, including Oliver, who was charged in a separate case in 2017. Five journalists have been prosecuted for cybercrime since the reforms — Oliver, and four other journalists jailed for almost six months before being freed in an out of court settlement.

Five were harassed, but not formally charged, between March and May 2024:

  • Segun Olatunji was detained for two weeks, blindfolded, chained, and dumped 400 kilometers from home, after publishing allegations of military corruption.
  • Police threatened FIJ board chairperson Bukky Shonibare, while Soyombo went into hiding after publishing a smuggling investigation.
  • Daniel Ojukwu disappeared for days after reporting on government corruption. 



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Hungary’s Sziget festival is known as a safe place to express yourself freely. Photo: Sandor Csudai/www.facebook.com/csudaisandor This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026. Crossing Budapest’s brutalist K-Bridge across the Danube to Óbuda Island on a grey spring day feels like the last journey of a condemned prisoner. The steel truss bridge was built as a temporary measure in 1955, a year before the uprising in which university students and ordinary citizens took to the streets to protest against the Stalinist government of Mátyás Rákosi. The single set of railway tracks suggests a one-way journey. It was built to give access to Budapest’s great Ganz Danubius shipyard. The shipyard was finally closed in 2000, after years of decline. These days, the bridge acts more like a rabbit hole from Orbán’s Hungary into Wonderland. Every summer, hundreds of thousands of people young and old cross to the leafy island to be entertained by music, theatre and dance, and to be challenged by debate, art and film – the joyous week-long celebration of free expression that is the Sziget Festival. Sziget was born from the ashes of Communism. In 1993, four years after the fall of the Iron Curtain, Károly Gerendai was just 22. Thin and sporting a shock of long hair like a Hungarian David Gilmour, Gerendai had become interested in the music industry whilst in high school. As a student, he earned money fly-posting and as a tour manager. Later, he managed bands and worked for record labels. That year, he was in charge of Sziámi, one of the best-known alt-rock bands in the Hungarian underground scene. On the tour bus after a concert, he fell into conversation with Péter Müller, the band’s frontman. “We talked about how, after the political transition, the big youth events had disappeared,” Gerendai told Index. “Before the political transition of 1989–90, there were state-organised youth events, but we quickly realised that they mainly served as a way for the state to control young people. Although we could meet and have fun together, we always felt the state’s watchful eye on us.” State control extended beyond the audience and on to the stage. “In the music industry, strong state selection was also in place: there were supported, tolerated, and banned bands, so not everyone was allowed to be heard.” This is where the seed of something new was born. Post Iron Curtain Co-founder Károly Gerendai. Photo: Sziget Festival “We thought it would be great to organise a multi-day event where young people could be together – something like a holiday combined with concerts, various cultural programmes, and community activities,” he said. Gerendai and Müller approached Gábor Demszky, mayor of Budapest at the time and first of the post-Communist era, for help. “He supported the concept but told us to organise it ourselves,” Gerendai told Index. “Even though we had no experience with anything like this, we boldly jumped into the organisation.” This make-it-up-as-you-go-along approach was typical in post-Soviet eastern Europe. The mayor suggested three possible venues for the festival, one of which was Óbuda Island. The island punctuates the Danube like a giant green exclamation mark between the city’s two halves, Buda and Pest. “Two iconic music events had previously been held there, both attracting huge interest,” said Gerendai. “One was the 1980 Black Sheep concert, a rare occasion when both tolerated and banned bands were allowed to perform. Then in 1991, it was one of the venues for the ‘Goodbye, Ivan!’ event celebrating the withdrawal of Soviet troops. I had worked on that event, which is how I got to know the subcontractors we later invited to help organise our festival.” Hungary’s youth were ready for a party. After only a few months’ preparation, the festival – initially called Diáksziget, Student Island in Hungarian – attracted 43,000 visitors over seven days. “We organised the first festival with the slogan ‘We need a week together’, referring to a carefree, shared community experience. Another slogan was ‘Everything is allowed, but nothing is mandatory’, which was meant to help us leave the past behind, celebrate freedom in every sense, and express that we never again wanted to live in a dictatorship,” said Gerendai. A wobbly start The line-up for the first festival was largely made up of Hungarian artists, such as alt-rock band Kispál és a Borz, punk band Tankcsapda, and singer János Bródy. In all, 200 bands performed on the festival’s two stages, alongside open-air movies and theatre productions. Yet, as was often the case after the fall of Communism, things didn’t work out as planned. Despite receiving sponsorship from Pepsi, the country’s Nagykanizsa brewery, and some support from the city of Budapest, the festival lost money. Lots of it. “It didn’t go smoothly,” admitted Gerendai. “We faced numerous problems during the process and made serious financial miscalculations.” By the end of the festival, it had run up a huge deficit, and only survived thanks to a bailout by the city council. But after this first turbulent year, Sziget not only survived but thrived. The following year saw the number of festivalgoers – or Szitizens as they are usually known – increase to 143,000. International acts like Jethro Tull, The Birds, and Jefferson Starship started to appear on the line-up. “Sziget outgrew Hungary’s borders early on, and we consciously developed the programme lineup, services, and visual identity so that we would be seen as a unique festival on the international scene as well,” said Gerendai. A beacon of light Chappell Roan on stage at Sziget. Photo: Sziget Festival By 2019, the festival was attracting more than half a million visitors to the Hungarian capital every year. The festival’s reputation was such that it was bringing in some of the world’s biggest music acts, including Arctic Monkeys, Kendrick Lamar, Kings of Leon, P!nk, Rihanna, Muse and David Guetta. Óbuda Island has remained the home of the festival. “It’s a great location: close to downtown Budapest, yet also a green, nature-filled area. It’s also symbolic – an island surrounded by a river, where once you cross the bridge, you can leave everyday problems behind,” Gerendai told Index. “It’s the origin of the nickname given by visitors: the Island of Freedom.” This nickname comes from the festival’s commitment to allowing artists and festival goers to speak their views – and was easy to pull off in a liberal city like Budapest keen to attract to hordes of young foreign tourists to boost the economy. In Gerendai’s opinion, freedom of expression was one of the major achievements of Hungary’s political transition in the 1990s. “I believe freedom of expression is a broader concept than simply who we agree or disagree with; it’s not fundamentally our role to judge other people’s views. At Sziget, we have always provided space for differences of opinion and we respect artistic freedom of expression on stage as well. At the same time, we do set limits: we do not allow hate-inciting or human-dignity violating expressions, and we also do not give space to extremist productions whose audiences could potentially endanger the safety of festival visitors.” As well as music, the festival is a thriving forum for circus, street theatre, film, visual arts and cabaret. At the heart of the festival is an area called Think for Tomorrow. The zone addresses pressing social issues that have an impact on the lives of young people, from their own perspective. “NGOs and organisations that play an important role in social and cultural life have also had their own dedicated space at Sziget since the early days,” said Gerendai. “These groups are worth introducing to the festival audience, and their work aligns with Sziget’s core values, such as sustainability, the protection of human rights, and acceptance.” Stepping back Magic Mirror at Sziget. Photo: Kristóf Hölvényi /Rockstar Photographers www.instagram.com/kristofholvenyi/ Eight years ago, after running 25 Sziget festivals, Gerendai decided to step back and sell his interest in the festival to promoter Superstruct, owned by American private equity company KKR. “I decided to pass the baton and from then on followed the festival only as a guest,” he said. During his time at its helm, the values of the Sziget festival had grown increasingly at odds with those of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz government. There is a huge LGBTQ+ presence at Sziget, both in visitors and artists, with the Magic Mirror venue on the site hosting themed content exploring the LGBTQ+ experience. After the Orbán government introduced anti-LGBTQ+ legislation in 2021, the festival’s new organisers came under pressure over its stance, and there were calls for them to ban under-18s from Magic Mirror. The organisers refused. Sziget’s audience has made itself heard on [former Hungarian prime minister] Orbán over the past few years. At the 2023 festival, during Hungarian rapper Krúbi’s performance the audience started chanting Mocskos Fidesz (Filthy Fidesz). This chant has since become popular common at the festival and at other music events. The Kneecap ban Friction between the festival and Orbán burst into the open in 2025 after Irish rappers Kneecap, who were due to perform at the festival that summer, were banned from the country for being a national security threat. Kneecap are outspoken critics of right-wing political ideology and are particularly scathing about the Israel-Gaza War. Kneecap (along with Bob Vylan) had performed inflammatory sets at Glastonbury the month before and Orbán, for his part, has been strengthening his strategic alliance with Israel, going so far as to declare that “Jewish communities are safer in Budapest than anywhere else in Europe”. Orbán told state broadcaster Kossuth Radio that he was angry that the band had been invited to play at Sziget. He claimed that the organisers’ decision was motivated by financial gain. “Is this damn money really that important?” Orbán asked the radio presenter. Even though they were unable to perform, Kneecap shared a message with festivalgoers gathering at the stage on which they were due to perform. The message read: “We wish we could be there with you at one of the best festivals in the world and the first European festival Kneecap ever played,” the message read. “We can’t because of one hate filled man. Viktor Orbán.” When this part of the message was displayed, a huge crowd who had been told on social media to expect something from the band started booing and chanting “Fuck Orbán”. The message continued: “We have been convicted of zero crimes in any country ever. But we will call out oppression. For calling out Israel’s genocidal campaign Viktor has banned us from your beautiful country for three years. Israel is committing a genocide against the Palestinian people. Viktor Orbán and his government support it. Viktor Orbán and his government tried to shut down Pride in Budapest. They failed. We must stand together. Oppose Orbán. Oppose Israel. Oppose genocide.” The festival’s robust stance in favour of LGBTQ+ rights has won it the European Festival Awards Take a Stand prize twice, in 2023 and 2026 (for 2025). The award recognises festivals that stand up for peaceful dialogue, humanism, tolerance, and mutual understanding – activities that do not necessarily chime with the profit imperative. Stepping forward again It is true, though, that since the Covid pandemic money has been a big problem for the Sziget festival. Like many other European music festivals, Sziget had struggled thanks to two years of cancellations, the spiralling cost of living, and sharply rising artist fees. The festival lost $5.6 million in 2023, and almost $12 million in 2024. In 2025, the company running the festival (without Gerendai) sent a letter to Budapest mayor Gergely Karácsony calling for the agreement between the festival and the city, as the island’s landowner, to be terminated. The festival seemed to be doomed. But the return of a familiar figure saved it at the last minute – its co-founder, Gerendai. “The new owner decided that they no longer wished to finance the festival, which had found itself in a difficult situation in the post-pandemic years due to economic conditions and, in my view, certain conceptual decisions as well,” said Gerendai. “They offered that if I took Sziget back, we could continue organising it under my leadership. So it was either I return – or there would be no Sziget.” “It caused me several sleepless nights, since in the meantime I had been working on completely different things,” Gerendai told Index. “But in the end, I felt that a festival that has become a cultural institution in Hungary and is also significant on the international scene simply cannot end abruptly. Besides, this is my child – I couldn’t abandon it.” Superstruct has come under huge pressure from activists and artists since its acquisition by KKR in June 2024. KKR has significant investments in Israeli companies, including some operating in the West Bank. In May 2025, a number of artists pulled out of the UK’s Field Day festival because of its Superstruct ownership. The transfer of the licence from Superstruct back to Gerendai almost didn’t happen. Budapest City Council initially blocked the transfer, with councillors from Fidesz and Péter Magyar’s opposition Tisza party abstaining from the vote. However, Hungary’s Index newspaper reports that Magyar, reacting to negative sentiment from potential voters over the news that Sziget might fold, quickly arranged a meeting with Gerendai. On 30 October, Magyar posted a picture of himself and Gerendai on Facebook, announcing that the pair would meet again at the 2026 festival after agreeing on two amendments to the proposals: first, that the costs of using the island would be paid back to the city by 2030 rather than 2035, and second, that all Hungarians under the age of 25 would get discounted tickets to the festival – a potential vote-winner among this demographic. Gerendai himself won’t be drawn on his politics. The 2026 Sziget festival is now set to go ahead from 11 to 15 August 2026, featuring Florence + The Machine, Lewis Capaldi, Sombr, Twenty One Pilots, Biffy Clyro and Underworld as well as hundreds of others including Hungarian rapper Sisi on the line-up. Gerendai said, “Many large music festivals operate primarily as business ventures focused on who is performing. In recent years, Sziget had also started to move in this direction, but I believe a festival should stand for more than that. Cultural diversity must be emphasised, as well as a commitment to core values. Reaffirming this ambition can be the key to long-term success – and this is what we aim for in the future.” The future for music festivals remains uncertain but, for now, the legendary island of freedom looks safe back in Gerendai’s hands. READ MORE

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