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Home»News»Global Free Speech»Surging Israeli settler violence hurts West Bank journalists
Global Free Speech

Surging Israeli settler violence hurts West Bank journalists

News RoomBy News Room7 months agoNo Comments8 Mins Read1,761 Views
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Sulaymaniyah, Iraq, November 14, 2025—With settler violence against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank spiking, journalists are also facing more frequent and severe attacks. 

So far in 2025, the Committee to Protect Journalists has documented 11 incidents involving at least 19 Palestinian and five international journalists by Israeli settlers — some alongside soldiers — compared with one attack on an Israeli journalist in 2024. Two assaults on Palestinian journalists occurred after the Israel-Gaza war began on October 7, 2023, an event that journalists say marked as the start of the surge. 

The United Nations documented more than 260 settler attacks in October, coinciding with the annual olive harvest season — the highest number since U.N. records began in 2006. It has condemned the apparent impunity enjoyed by the settlers. 

“With global attention remains focused on Gaza, extremist settlers in the West Bank have been waging one of the most aggressive and successful campaigns of intimidation and land seizure since Israel’s 1967 occupation of the territory, targeting not only Palestinians, but also all journalists who report on this mounting violence,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. 

Most attacks on journalists occurred near Israeli settlements near Palestinian towns and farmland, which are frequent flashpoints for violence. The settlements are illegal under international law as they are built on land that Palestinians want for a hoped-for future state. 

At least 17 journalists either said they were wearing “Press” vests or imagery showed they were wearing that insignia, according to CPJ research.

‘Unprecedented levels of terror’

Settlers, some masked and armed with sticks, Palestinians, activists, and journalists near Nablus on November 8, 2025. (Screenshot:Al Jazeera/YouTube)

Hanaa Mahameed, a correspondent with Lebanese satellite channel Al Mayadeen, said settler violence against Palestinians has reached “unprecedented levels of terror” with “systematic group attacks carried out under army protection and full legitimacy from the Israeli government.” 

An Israeli government spokesperson did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment via messaging app. 

Mahameed, who was threatened in 2023 while reporting on settler attacks, told CPJ that she believed journalists were targeted to “deter reporting and prevent exposure of what’s happening on the ground — the killings, destruction, and land seizures.” 

“I have avoided traveling to extremely dangerous areas, such as the Jordan Valley or the South Hebron Hills … to protect my team and local guides,” she said, describing Palestinian journalists as having the “weakest” security, compared to Israeli and international reporters.

Noa Bornstein-Hadad, editor-in-chief of the Israeli news site Politically Correct, said that since Hamas’ October 7 attack, “violence in the West Bank has not only intensified — it has gained legitimacy, under the cover of the trauma.” 

She said Israeli law enforcement ”rarely intervenes effectively” and most Israeli media “avoid systematic reporting on settler violence.”

2025 incidents

  • On November 8, Israeli settlers, some masked and armed with sticks and sharp tools, attacked a group of reporters covering Palestinian farmers and international volunteers harvesting olives in the northern village of Beita, injuring at least five journalists. 

Al Jazeera reporter Mohammed Alatrash told CPJ the settlers descended and “attacked anyone in sight,” so he leapt into a valley to escape as stones rained down, fracturing his leg and destroying his camera. Alatrash said his camera operator Lou’y Alsaeed received medical treatment for his injuries, while Reuters news agency reporter Raneen Sawafta was severely beaten on the head and chest. 

“We were wearing ‘Press’ vests and helmets — without them, our injuries would have been far worse,” he said, describing the attack as “organized and tactical,” with settlers moving in groups “like militias.” 

A Palestinian journalist exits an ambulance upon arriving at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus after reportedly being injured by Israeli settlers while covering the olive harvest in the Palestinian village of Baita, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on November 8, 2025.
A Palestinian journalist exits an ambulance at Rafidia Hospital in Nablus after being injured while covering the olive harvest in the Palestinian village of Baita on November 8, 2025. (Photo: APF/Jaaafar Ashtiyeh)

Alatrash said no Israeli soldiers came to stop the violence — a charge rejected by an IDF spokesperson, who told CPJ via messaging app that Israeli soldiers “arrived at the scene and operated to disperse the confrontation” and the incident “was transferred to the Israel Police” for investigation.

Nasser Ishtayeh, who works for the Hong Kong-based photo agency SOPA Images, told CPJ that settlers beat him with sticks and stones on his shoulders, neck, and arm, and he fell several meters down the hillside. Doctors found nerve damage on the right side of his neck and body, he said. 

Nael Bowetel of China’s Xinhua News Agency told CPJ that he was struck with stones,  chased for nearly two kilometers, and underwent surgery for a fractured right leg.

  • On October 19, American journalist Jasper Nathaniel was stoned and his car window was smashed with a club by settlers while covering an assault on Palestinian farmers in Turmus Ayya, north of Ramallah. He told CPJ the attackers ignored his shouts of “Press, American, press.
  • On October 10, four Palestinian journalists — Jaafar Ashtiyeh of Agence France-Press (AFP), Wahaj Bani Mufleh of Ramallah-based Quds News Network, Saja Al-Alami of Cairo-based Al-Ghad TV, and Yazan Hamayel of Palestinian Al-Fajr TV — were injured while covering a settler attack on farmers in Beita. 

Ashtiyeh was beaten and hospitalized, while the others sustained gas inhalation and stun grenade injuries. “They burned my car and began throwing stones at us,” Ashtiyeh told CPJ.

  • On July 16, freelance journalist Sidqi Rayan, Quds News Network reporter Abdullah Bahsh, and French photo agency Sipa Press photographer Nasser Shtayyeh were assaulted and had their cameras destroyed while covering settler attacks near Nablus. Bahsh, 29, told CPJ, “Three settlers stopped us — two carrying M16 rifles. They smashed two cars, confiscated a camera, and threatened to shoot us.”
  • On July 13, settlers attacked a CNN crew led by reporter Jeremy Diamond in Sinjil, north of Ramallah, smashing their vehicle’s rear window. Diamond wrote on X that the assault reflected “a sliver of the reality many Palestinians face in the West Bank.”
  • On July 5, settlers stoned a correspondent and camera operator for Germany’s DW and their vehicle in the central Palestinian town village of Sinjil.
  • On May 27, freelance photographer Issam Rimawi was attacked and his two cameras were stolen by masked settlers while covering a wheat harvest near Ramun, east of Ramallah, leaving him with a skull fracture, heavy bleeding.
  • On May 17, American journalist and podcaster Eric Maddox was beaten by settlers while filming a march in Hebron’s Old City. Israeli forces detained him the next day. Videos showed soldiers restraining and taking him away.
  • On May 3, two settlers, one armed, detained Palestinian social media-based Al Ersal Network correspondent Karim Khmaisa and freelance journalists Ahmad Al-Khatib and Mohammed Turkman in northern Al-Mughayir village, interrogated them for half an hour, and threatened to kill them.
  • On March 24, the Palestinian co-director of Oscar-winning film “No Other Land” Hamdan Ballal was assaulted by settlers near the southern city of Hebron and detained by Israeli forces for several hours.
Hamdan Ballal, left, and Rachel Szor, winners of the best documentary feature film award for "No Other Land," attend the Governors Ball after the Oscars on March 2, 2025, in Los Angeles.
Hamdan Ballal, left, and Rachel Szor, winners of the best documentary feature film award for “No Other Land,” attend the Governors Ball after the Oscars on March 2, 2025, in Los Angeles. (Photo: AP/John Locher)
  • On April 27, a settler driver tried to run over freelance journalist Mohammed Turkman in the central Al-Mutawi Valley while he worked with journalist colleagues Ahmad Al-Khatib and Shaher Al-Fuqaha. “The attempted ramming made me decide to work alone, because there is no protection at all,” Turkman told CPJ.

Earlier incidents during the Israel-Gaza war

  • On April 13, 2024, Israeli photographer Shaul Golan of Yediot Aharonot newspaper and Ynet news site was beaten while documenting settlers torching homes in the central village of Al-Mughayyi. “I shouted that I was Jewish and a journalist, but they kept beating me,” he said, adding that police present did not intervene and opened an investigation only two months later.
  • On November 17, 2023, settlers attacked Al Jazeera photographer Joseph Handal after he passed the Container checkpoint east of Bethlehem. “They blocked the road near a bypass gate, forced me to stop, smashed my car’s lights and windows, and hit me in the face with a stone,” Handel told CPJ.
  • On October 8, 2023, journalist Mohammed Turkman, 28, from Ramallah, was targeted in an online smear campaign accusing him of terrorism. “I received hundreds of messages within hours,” he told CPJ. 

An IDF spokesperson told CPJ via messaging app that the army “takes all possible measures to minimize harm to uninvolved civilians and journalists” and that “all relevant incidents are reviewed according to field circumstances and international law.” 

Investigations into suspected settler assaults on journalists were handled by the police, the spokesperson added. The police spokesperson did not respond to CPJ’s messages requesting comment.



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Hungary’s Sziget festival is known as a safe place to express yourself freely. Photo: Sandor Csudai/www.facebook.com/csudaisandor This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026. Crossing Budapest’s brutalist K-Bridge across the Danube to Óbuda Island on a grey spring day feels like the last journey of a condemned prisoner. The steel truss bridge was built as a temporary measure in 1955, a year before the uprising in which university students and ordinary citizens took to the streets to protest against the Stalinist government of Mátyás Rákosi. The single set of railway tracks suggests a one-way journey. It was built to give access to Budapest’s great Ganz Danubius shipyard. The shipyard was finally closed in 2000, after years of decline. These days, the bridge acts more like a rabbit hole from Orbán’s Hungary into Wonderland. Every summer, hundreds of thousands of people young and old cross to the leafy island to be entertained by music, theatre and dance, and to be challenged by debate, art and film – the joyous week-long celebration of free expression that is the Sziget Festival. Sziget was born from the ashes of Communism. In 1993, four years after the fall of the Iron Curtain, Károly Gerendai was just 22. Thin and sporting a shock of long hair like a Hungarian David Gilmour, Gerendai had become interested in the music industry whilst in high school. As a student, he earned money fly-posting and as a tour manager. Later, he managed bands and worked for record labels. That year, he was in charge of Sziámi, one of the best-known alt-rock bands in the Hungarian underground scene. On the tour bus after a concert, he fell into conversation with Péter Müller, the band’s frontman. “We talked about how, after the political transition, the big youth events had disappeared,” Gerendai told Index. “Before the political transition of 1989–90, there were state-organised youth events, but we quickly realised that they mainly served as a way for the state to control young people. Although we could meet and have fun together, we always felt the state’s watchful eye on us.” State control extended beyond the audience and on to the stage. “In the music industry, strong state selection was also in place: there were supported, tolerated, and banned bands, so not everyone was allowed to be heard.” This is where the seed of something new was born. Post Iron Curtain Co-founder Károly Gerendai. Photo: Sziget Festival “We thought it would be great to organise a multi-day event where young people could be together – something like a holiday combined with concerts, various cultural programmes, and community activities,” he said. Gerendai and Müller approached Gábor Demszky, mayor of Budapest at the time and first of the post-Communist era, for help. “He supported the concept but told us to organise it ourselves,” Gerendai told Index. “Even though we had no experience with anything like this, we boldly jumped into the organisation.” This make-it-up-as-you-go-along approach was typical in post-Soviet eastern Europe. The mayor suggested three possible venues for the festival, one of which was Óbuda Island. The island punctuates the Danube like a giant green exclamation mark between the city’s two halves, Buda and Pest. “Two iconic music events had previously been held there, both attracting huge interest,” said Gerendai. “One was the 1980 Black Sheep concert, a rare occasion when both tolerated and banned bands were allowed to perform. Then in 1991, it was one of the venues for the ‘Goodbye, Ivan!’ event celebrating the withdrawal of Soviet troops. I had worked on that event, which is how I got to know the subcontractors we later invited to help organise our festival.” Hungary’s youth were ready for a party. After only a few months’ preparation, the festival – initially called Diáksziget, Student Island in Hungarian – attracted 43,000 visitors over seven days. “We organised the first festival with the slogan ‘We need a week together’, referring to a carefree, shared community experience. Another slogan was ‘Everything is allowed, but nothing is mandatory’, which was meant to help us leave the past behind, celebrate freedom in every sense, and express that we never again wanted to live in a dictatorship,” said Gerendai. A wobbly start The line-up for the first festival was largely made up of Hungarian artists, such as alt-rock band Kispál és a Borz, punk band Tankcsapda, and singer János Bródy. In all, 200 bands performed on the festival’s two stages, alongside open-air movies and theatre productions. Yet, as was often the case after the fall of Communism, things didn’t work out as planned. Despite receiving sponsorship from Pepsi, the country’s Nagykanizsa brewery, and some support from the city of Budapest, the festival lost money. Lots of it. “It didn’t go smoothly,” admitted Gerendai. “We faced numerous problems during the process and made serious financial miscalculations.” By the end of the festival, it had run up a huge deficit, and only survived thanks to a bailout by the city council. But after this first turbulent year, Sziget not only survived but thrived. The following year saw the number of festivalgoers – or Szitizens as they are usually known – increase to 143,000. International acts like Jethro Tull, The Birds, and Jefferson Starship started to appear on the line-up. “Sziget outgrew Hungary’s borders early on, and we consciously developed the programme lineup, services, and visual identity so that we would be seen as a unique festival on the international scene as well,” said Gerendai. A beacon of light Chappell Roan on stage at Sziget. Photo: Sziget Festival By 2019, the festival was attracting more than half a million visitors to the Hungarian capital every year. The festival’s reputation was such that it was bringing in some of the world’s biggest music acts, including Arctic Monkeys, Kendrick Lamar, Kings of Leon, P!nk, Rihanna, Muse and David Guetta. Óbuda Island has remained the home of the festival. “It’s a great location: close to downtown Budapest, yet also a green, nature-filled area. It’s also symbolic – an island surrounded by a river, where once you cross the bridge, you can leave everyday problems behind,” Gerendai told Index. “It’s the origin of the nickname given by visitors: the Island of Freedom.” This nickname comes from the festival’s commitment to allowing artists and festival goers to speak their views – and was easy to pull off in a liberal city like Budapest keen to attract to hordes of young foreign tourists to boost the economy. In Gerendai’s opinion, freedom of expression was one of the major achievements of Hungary’s political transition in the 1990s. “I believe freedom of expression is a broader concept than simply who we agree or disagree with; it’s not fundamentally our role to judge other people’s views. At Sziget, we have always provided space for differences of opinion and we respect artistic freedom of expression on stage as well. At the same time, we do set limits: we do not allow hate-inciting or human-dignity violating expressions, and we also do not give space to extremist productions whose audiences could potentially endanger the safety of festival visitors.” As well as music, the festival is a thriving forum for circus, street theatre, film, visual arts and cabaret. At the heart of the festival is an area called Think for Tomorrow. The zone addresses pressing social issues that have an impact on the lives of young people, from their own perspective. “NGOs and organisations that play an important role in social and cultural life have also had their own dedicated space at Sziget since the early days,” said Gerendai. “These groups are worth introducing to the festival audience, and their work aligns with Sziget’s core values, such as sustainability, the protection of human rights, and acceptance.” Stepping back Magic Mirror at Sziget. Photo: Kristóf Hölvényi /Rockstar Photographers www.instagram.com/kristofholvenyi/ Eight years ago, after running 25 Sziget festivals, Gerendai decided to step back and sell his interest in the festival to promoter Superstruct, owned by American private equity company KKR. “I decided to pass the baton and from then on followed the festival only as a guest,” he said. During his time at its helm, the values of the Sziget festival had grown increasingly at odds with those of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz government. There is a huge LGBTQ+ presence at Sziget, both in visitors and artists, with the Magic Mirror venue on the site hosting themed content exploring the LGBTQ+ experience. After the Orbán government introduced anti-LGBTQ+ legislation in 2021, the festival’s new organisers came under pressure over its stance, and there were calls for them to ban under-18s from Magic Mirror. The organisers refused. Sziget’s audience has made itself heard on [former Hungarian prime minister] Orbán over the past few years. At the 2023 festival, during Hungarian rapper Krúbi’s performance the audience started chanting Mocskos Fidesz (Filthy Fidesz). This chant has since become popular common at the festival and at other music events. The Kneecap ban Friction between the festival and Orbán burst into the open in 2025 after Irish rappers Kneecap, who were due to perform at the festival that summer, were banned from the country for being a national security threat. Kneecap are outspoken critics of right-wing political ideology and are particularly scathing about the Israel-Gaza War. Kneecap (along with Bob Vylan) had performed inflammatory sets at Glastonbury the month before and Orbán, for his part, has been strengthening his strategic alliance with Israel, going so far as to declare that “Jewish communities are safer in Budapest than anywhere else in Europe”. Orbán told state broadcaster Kossuth Radio that he was angry that the band had been invited to play at Sziget. He claimed that the organisers’ decision was motivated by financial gain. “Is this damn money really that important?” Orbán asked the radio presenter. Even though they were unable to perform, Kneecap shared a message with festivalgoers gathering at the stage on which they were due to perform. The message read: “We wish we could be there with you at one of the best festivals in the world and the first European festival Kneecap ever played,” the message read. “We can’t because of one hate filled man. Viktor Orbán.” When this part of the message was displayed, a huge crowd who had been told on social media to expect something from the band started booing and chanting “Fuck Orbán”. The message continued: “We have been convicted of zero crimes in any country ever. But we will call out oppression. For calling out Israel’s genocidal campaign Viktor has banned us from your beautiful country for three years. Israel is committing a genocide against the Palestinian people. Viktor Orbán and his government support it. Viktor Orbán and his government tried to shut down Pride in Budapest. They failed. We must stand together. Oppose Orbán. Oppose Israel. Oppose genocide.” The festival’s robust stance in favour of LGBTQ+ rights has won it the European Festival Awards Take a Stand prize twice, in 2023 and 2026 (for 2025). The award recognises festivals that stand up for peaceful dialogue, humanism, tolerance, and mutual understanding – activities that do not necessarily chime with the profit imperative. Stepping forward again It is true, though, that since the Covid pandemic money has been a big problem for the Sziget festival. Like many other European music festivals, Sziget had struggled thanks to two years of cancellations, the spiralling cost of living, and sharply rising artist fees. The festival lost $5.6 million in 2023, and almost $12 million in 2024. In 2025, the company running the festival (without Gerendai) sent a letter to Budapest mayor Gergely Karácsony calling for the agreement between the festival and the city, as the island’s landowner, to be terminated. The festival seemed to be doomed. But the return of a familiar figure saved it at the last minute – its co-founder, Gerendai. “The new owner decided that they no longer wished to finance the festival, which had found itself in a difficult situation in the post-pandemic years due to economic conditions and, in my view, certain conceptual decisions as well,” said Gerendai. “They offered that if I took Sziget back, we could continue organising it under my leadership. So it was either I return – or there would be no Sziget.” “It caused me several sleepless nights, since in the meantime I had been working on completely different things,” Gerendai told Index. “But in the end, I felt that a festival that has become a cultural institution in Hungary and is also significant on the international scene simply cannot end abruptly. Besides, this is my child – I couldn’t abandon it.” Superstruct has come under huge pressure from activists and artists since its acquisition by KKR in June 2024. KKR has significant investments in Israeli companies, including some operating in the West Bank. In May 2025, a number of artists pulled out of the UK’s Field Day festival because of its Superstruct ownership. The transfer of the licence from Superstruct back to Gerendai almost didn’t happen. Budapest City Council initially blocked the transfer, with councillors from Fidesz and Péter Magyar’s opposition Tisza party abstaining from the vote. However, Hungary’s Index newspaper reports that Magyar, reacting to negative sentiment from potential voters over the news that Sziget might fold, quickly arranged a meeting with Gerendai. On 30 October, Magyar posted a picture of himself and Gerendai on Facebook, announcing that the pair would meet again at the 2026 festival after agreeing on two amendments to the proposals: first, that the costs of using the island would be paid back to the city by 2030 rather than 2035, and second, that all Hungarians under the age of 25 would get discounted tickets to the festival – a potential vote-winner among this demographic. Gerendai himself won’t be drawn on his politics. The 2026 Sziget festival is now set to go ahead from 11 to 15 August 2026, featuring Florence + The Machine, Lewis Capaldi, Sombr, Twenty One Pilots, Biffy Clyro and Underworld as well as hundreds of others including Hungarian rapper Sisi on the line-up. Gerendai said, “Many large music festivals operate primarily as business ventures focused on who is performing. In recent years, Sziget had also started to move in this direction, but I believe a festival should stand for more than that. Cultural diversity must be emphasised, as well as a commitment to core values. Reaffirming this ambition can be the key to long-term success – and this is what we aim for in the future.” The future for music festivals remains uncertain but, for now, the legendary island of freedom looks safe back in Gerendai’s hands. READ MORE

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