Global Free Speech

Global Free Speech covers international stories and trends affecting the right to speak, publish, and share ideas across borders. From government crackdowns to grassroots movements, this category highlights the global fight for free expression in diverse political and cultural landscapes.

An unknown protestor stands in front of a tank in Tiananmen Square, 1989. Photo by: Jeff Widener/Associated Press/CC BY-NC 2.0 Could it be harder to commemorate the victims of the Tiananmen Square massacre yesterday – on its 37th anniversary – than last year when it was already incredibly hard? Apparently yes, and this applies to people outside China too. In Beijing itself, members of the Tiananmen Mothers group have reportedly been barred from visiting a cemetery where their children are buried in what is believed to be the first time in over three decades such commemorations have been stopped. In a statement published this week, the group said families were informed they’d not be allowed to hold any acts of remembrance at Wan’an Cemetery on 4 June. This feels supremely cruel and petty, but I guess I shouldn’t expect anything less from a government that commanded its troops to slay its own people. Commemorations beyond this are, of course, strictly forbidden within China. You are not going to see anything in Tiananmen Square. Indeed, and I’ve firsthand experience of this, it’s hard to get close to the square on 3 and 4 June. It used to be the case that people in Hong Kong could commemorate it. In 2014, a museum dedicated to the massacre opened. That, though, was closed years back. And as for the candles that were lit in Hong Kong’s Victoria Park year on year, they are no more, replaced instead by a… patriotic food festival. Even outside the Chinese Communist Party’s direct control it’s now more challenging to remember. The June Fourth Memorial Museum in Los Angeles was broken into and vandalised over the weekend. The museum was opened last June by Chinese dissidents and survivors, including student leader Wang Dan. This was clearly not some random act of destruction carried out by bored teens, given Beijing’s mastery of transnational repression and the date it happened. The CCP may very well have the last laugh. Anyone below the age of 30 growing up in China today likely hasn’t a clue that the words Tiananmen Square don’t just refer to the central Beijing landmark. Yes, you’ll see creative memes and puns coming out of the country as some try to bypass the censors. It’s just that they’re marginal and ultimately no match for the might of Beijing. All of which makes it more important to do what you can to remember. I personally like to revisit the Hunger Strike Declaration that we printed at the time. I like to look at the image of two people dancing in the square. Both remind me of the movement that came before the massacre. Yesterday, we also published a reflective piece from Lijia Zhang, the acclaimed Chinese writer who was part of the protests. Finally, we’ve lit candles ourselves. It’s a small act of resistance which literally keeps the flame of remembrance alive. READ MORE

0

Could it be harder to commemorate the victims of the Tiananmen Square massacre yesterday – on its 37th anniversary –…

  Every year, as 4 June approaches, an old ritual unfolds in China. Censors spring into action. Social media posts disappear. Searches for “Tiananmen”, “June Fourth”, “1989”, and even more cryptic references are scrubbed from the internet. Activists are placed under surveillance, or sent on forced holidays. Foreign journalists gather in Hong Kong, Taipei, London and Washington to commemorate an event that officially never happened. For more than three decades, the Party has tried to erase the memory of Tiananmen. The effort itself suggests how deeply it remains haunted by it. I know because I was there. Not in Tiananmen Square itself, but in Nanjing, where I was a 25-year-old factory worker. Like millions of Chinese, I watched events unfold with excitement and hope. The student demonstrations soon spread beyond the universities. People from all walks of life joined in. I organised a large protest by workers from my missile factory in support of the students. For the first time in my life, I felt history opening before me. My fellow protesters and I believed that ordinary people could help shape our country’s future. Then, in the darkness before dawn on 4 June, came the sound of gunfire. The movement was crushed. The hopes of a generation were shattered. Like many others, I learned a painful lesson about the limits of political change in China. What has fascinated me ever since is not only the crackdown itself but the Chinese Communist Party’s determination to erase it from public memory. The campaign has been remarkably successful. Many young Chinese know little or nothing about Tiananmen. Some have never heard of it. Others know only fragments. In 2013, shortly before Xi Jinping came to power, when the political atmosphere was still somewhat more relaxed than it is today, I gave a book talk attended by university students. Afterwards, an earnest-looking young man approached me. “Did the government really open fire on the students on 4 June 1989?” he asked. “That was just Western propaganda, wasn’t it?” I have often been struck by the gap between my memories and their knowledge. Personally, I have never regretted what I did in 1989. I was repeatedly interrogated by the police and suspended from work, yet it remains the most meaningful thing I have ever done in my life. It shaped not only my understanding of China but also a lifelong fascination with politics and power. Looking back, I do not see 4 June simply as a tragedy. I also see it as a watershed. The movement arose not only from a desire for democracy and human rights, but also from widespread frustration with everyday life. Corruption was rampant, inflation was rising, and personal freedom was limited. The Party’s response was twofold. Politically, it tightened control. Economically, however, it accelerated reform and gradually gave people more personal freedom. Chinese citizens today can choose where to live, what careers to pursue and, to a much greater extent than before, how to live. The cage remains, but it has grown so large that many no longer feel its bars. In that sense, the protests of 1989 were not an absolute failure. Some of the grievances that fuelled it were addressed. Without that shock, China’s rulers might never have felt compelled to expand the cage. The Party may have defeated the movement, but it has never fully escaped its legacy. It fears Tiananmen not because it threatens its power today. China’s young people are more likely to worry about jobs, housing prices and economic uncertainty than political reform. What Tiananmen represents, however, is a challenge to the Party’s preferred narrative. The official story of modern China is one of stability, prosperity and national rejuvenation under Communist rule. Tiananmen reminds people that there was another possible path, and another vision of China’s future. When I was young, the Chinese government encouraged us to remember past humiliations and injustices. It understood that memory shapes identity. The same principle applies to Tiananmen. An event of such magnitude cannot be permanently erased. It survives in family stories, private conversations, overseas communities, memoirs and fragments of testimony. Now, 37 years later, the Party may have largely succeeded in making Tiananmen invisible. It has not succeeded in making it irrelevant. The impulses that brought people onto the streets in 1989 have not entirely disappeared. The desire for dignity, fairness and a voice in public life still surface quietly: parents challenging school policies on WeChat, residents petitioning local authorities over pollution or land disputes, women speaking out despite the risks. These are not movements in any formal sense, but they reveal something persistent – a wish to be heard. When repression goes too far, people are willing to push back, as seen in the White Paper Movement of late 2022, spontaneous protests which erupted nationwide against suffocating Covid rules. For me, the events of 1989 remain a reminder of a moment when millions of Chinese briefly imagined a different future. The tanks ended that dream, but they did not entirely extinguish the questions that inspired it. That is why, every June, the censors return to work. Not because Tiananmen is remembered too much, but because it is remembered at all. READ MORE

0

  Every year, as 4 June approaches, an old ritual unfolds in China. Censors spring into action. Social media posts…

Stefanelli has been banned from the West Bank over “one-sided” coverage. Photo montage: Alessandro Stefanelli/IDF Spokesperson’s Unit Police documents released in response to a court appeal by Italian freelance photojournalist Alessandro Stefanelli against being banned from entering Israel last year to continue his coverage of the West Bank show that Israel has established a police body that reviews and analyses work by foreign journalists and that these dossiers are used as the basis for denying entry into the country. Stefanelli’s coverage was found by police to be “one-sided” according to the documents and police linked to articles that purportedly proved this, even though in some cases Stefanelli, who contributes to Le Soir, La Stampa and many other publications, had only taken the pictures and not written the text. In one case police cited as evidence a tweet by someone else in response to one of his items He had been to Israel and the West Bank 13 times over two and a half years, always with Israeli government credentials, before being banned last June, he told Index. Some of his work focused on the rise in violence by state backed far right settlers against Palestinian civilians in the West Bank. Next to one link the police, from the Judea and Samaria (West Bank) district wrote that after the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack, Stefanelli “accuses Israel of creating apartheid in Judea and Samaria” an assessment that many journalists and academics, including Israeli rights groups, consider to be factual. The police document on Stefanelli specified that police had recommended to population control authorities that they ban other foreign journalists based on reviews of their work, but their names were not released. Reporters sans frontières (RSF) –  in a recent statement –  referenced an Israeli Ministry of Diaspora Affairs and Combating Antisemitism announcement that an entry ban had been imposed on Spanish freelancer Queralt Castillo. The reason for the ban was that entry to the country “will not be permitted for those who act against Israel, as part of its fight against antisemitism and the BDS (boycott,dDivestment and sanctions) movement.” It is a dramatic deterioration for a country that once prided itself on being a bastion of media freedom, but which critics say has been shifting into authoritarianism and narrowing freedom of expression since Benjamin Netanyahu returned to power in the 2022 election and formed the most right-wing coalition in Israeli history. Shamai Glick, head of the right wing B’tsalmo NGO, welcomed the revelations of police scrutiny of journalists, saying “whoever incites against Israel must pay the heaviest price possible and if it means a ban on entry to Israel, then I am proud of this.” By contrast, Stefanelli’s lawyer, Tamir Blank said Israel is now “one step away from having thought police.” Among Israel’s previous steps against foreign and Israeli media freedom has been the ban since the Hamas attacks on entry to Gaza of foreign journalists to cover the war unless they are escorted by the IDF; the closure of the  Qatari-owned Al-Jazeera outlet on grounds of incitement, and an attempt by the government to undermine the financial viability of  Haaretz, Israel’s leading opposition outlet. Most seriously, Israel stands accused of assassinating Gaza journalists, as previously reported by Index, and placing their West Bank counterparts in administrative detention without charges under grueling conditions. Israeli authorities say that Palestinians often use the cover of being media personnel to engage in terror-related activities. But being caught red handed banning foreign journalists based on analysing their writings is a new development.  Unless the court appeal by Stefanelli that was heard on 19 May succeeds in overturning the ban against him, such censorship is certain to widen given Israel’s interest in concealing the escalating abuses of its military regime and violent and illegal settlers in the West Bank. Their attacks – which drive Palestinians off their lands – have now reached record levels. Interior Ministry spokesperson Sabine Haddad told Index that the Government Press Office(GPO) “did not object” to Stefanelli’s ban from the country. This was despite Stefanelli telling Index that the GPO had fully accredited him during each of his near monthly reporting trips to the West Bank since November 2023. The GPO, part of the prime minister’s office, also issues credentials that enable employed foreign correspondents to receive year long visas and pass through IDF checkpoints in the West Bank. Contacted by Index, Stefanelli said of the ban: “They fear scrutiny, documentation and critical reporting. It’s a new wave of censorship that starts with freelance journalists and can spread.” Prominent Israeli human rights lawyer Michael Sfard said the banning of the journalists must be seen within the context of overall government efforts to limit the flow of information from the occupied territories. These have targeted humanitarian workers, aid groups and Israeli human rights organisations, he said. In order to register with Israeli authorities, humanitarian groups must now prove that they “don’t engage in delegitimisation of Israel” something that in practice means not criticising Israel, he said. “The goal is to make it very difficult for there to be credible reporting to furnish the international discussion over Israel-Palestine,” Sfard said. READ MORE

0

Police documents released in response to a court appeal by Italian freelance photojournalist Alessandro Stefanelli against being banned from entering…

Load More