Close Menu
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
Trending

Wall Street giant BNY discusses infrastructure tie-up with Kraken parent Payward

5 minutes ago

Blast to Shut Down as Ethereum L2 Economics Fall Short

7 minutes ago

Once a $2.3 Billion Network, Ethereum Layer-2 Blast Is Shutting Down

8 minutes ago
Facebook X (Twitter) Instagram
Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Market Data Newsletter
Friday, October 2
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Home»News»Media & Culture»Salman Rushdie Attempted Murder Case: Court Upholds Jury Verdict …
Media & Culture

Salman Rushdie Attempted Murder Case: Court Upholds Jury Verdict …

News RoomBy News Room3 hours agoNo Comments7 Mins Read1 Views
Share Facebook Twitter Pinterest Copy Link LinkedIn Tumblr Email VKontakte Telegram
Share
Facebook Twitter Pinterest Email Copy Link

Listen to the article

0:00
0:00

Key Takeaways

Playback Speed

Select a Voice

Matar moved for a judgment of acquittal, but the court said no. Here’s an excerpt from the discussion of why Matar was acting sufficiently under the direction of a foreign terrorist organization (which is required under the relevant federal statute) rather than just independently—if he had been acting independently, that would have still been attempted murder punishable under state law, but likely not a violation of these statutes:

Considering all the evidence presented at trial, a properly-instructed jury found beyond a reasonable doubt that Matar attempted to provide himself, as “personnel,” and his conduct, as a “service,” to Hizballah…. [T]he jury, considering the evidence presented at trial, reasonably determined such evidence to be sufficient to establish: (1) that Matar, in repeatedly stabbing and attempting to murder Rushdie, provided personnel and services to Hizballah; and (2) that at the time he committed such acts, Matar was acting at the direction Hizballah, by attempting to fulfill the fatwa—which was originally issued by the Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Khomeini, and was subsequently endorsed, in 2006, by Hassan Nasrallah, then-Secretary General of Hizballah, and again, in 2017, by the Ayatollah Khomeini’s successor, Ayatollah Khamenei—calling for Rushdie’s murder. This Court sees no reason to disturb that conclusion.

{At trial, the Government introduced expert testimony from Dr. Matthew Levitt, which established, [among other things], that Hizballah functions as a proxy organization for the Iranian government. Levitt further testified that Nasrallah’s 2006 speech endorsing the Ayatollah Khomeini’s fatwa involving Rushdie, which was broadcast over Al Manar, Hizballah’s satellite television network, was a “call to action.” As described previously, Matar included the videotape broadcast of Nasrallah’s 2006 speech in a couple of videos that he produced prior to attacking Rushdie.}  …

To prove that Matar attempted to provide material support to a foreign terrorist organization by providing himself as “personnel,” the Government must prove that Matar “attempted … to work under [the] foreign terrorist organization’s direction or control or to organize, manage, supervise, or otherwise direct the operation of that organization.” Put differently, “[i]ndividuals who act entirely independently of the foreign terrorist organization to advance its goals or objectives shall not be considered to be working under the foreign terrorist organization’s direction and control.” …

The Government’s trial evidence reasonably established that in attacking Rushdie as he did, Matar was attempting to execute a very specific directive issued by the Ayatollah Khomeini and endorsed by Hizballah. Unlike the ISIS video watched by Ullah which “urged supporters to commit attacks against America,” Defendant endeavored to do precisely that which was commanded by the [Khomeini] fatwa [against Rushdie] and sought to kill a specific individual for a specific reason. Cf. Ullah (“The videos that [Ullah] watched that were issued by ISIS did not ‘order’ or ‘command’ him to do anything under any common understanding of those terms. Nor did they provide ‘guidance or supervision of action, conduct, or operation’—since they were silent on specifics.”).

Indeed, to the extent that Matar himself created what may fairly be characterized as promotional videos which included Hizballah Secretary General Nasrallah’s endorsement and affirmation of the very specific fatwa calling for Rushdie’s death, a reasonable jury could find that Matar’s subsequent actions in stabbing and attempting to kill Rushdie were undertaken at Nasrallah’s direction and command and Matar’s conduct represented his effort to fulfill such directive, command, and order.

The Court in Ullah also explained that to work “under” an FTO’s “direction” means that the FTO’s “direction” or “control” must cause a defendant to “‘suffer[ ] restriction, constraint, or control.'” Here, the jury could reasonably have found that the existence of Hizballah’s fatwa against Rushdie was the only reason Matar did what he did.

Indeed, at trial, the government introduced evidence that Matar rejected a suggestion put forth to him by Kaymar in Iran [someone with whom Matar had been chatting online -EV] that consideration be given to killing another prominent American, because “Rushdie has fatwa longer” and “[The other prominent individual] doesn’t have fatwa.” In other words, the jury could reasonably have found that Matar’s behavior was, in fact, dictated, directed and controlled exclusively by the existence of the FTO-endorsed fatwa. Matar’s own words and actions suggest that the only reason he did what he did was because he was attempting to do what he believed the Nasrallah-endorsed fatwa directed and commanded him to do it.

Furthermore, a rational jury could also have found that Nasrallah’s speech provided “direction” because it ended by endorsing the concept of martyrdom. Dr. Levitt explained that martyrdom is a central part of Hizballah’s ability to recruit and retain its followers. And the jury was presented with overwhelming evidence establishing Matar’s expectation that in fulfilling the fatwa he would become a Hizballah martyr. In that regard, the evidence at trial established that: (1) Matar, at the time he committed the attack, possessed a fake driver’s license that contained references to several Hizballah martyrs, including Imad Mughniyah, who led Hizballah’s terrorist arm for many years; (2) Matar, on the morning of the attack in August, visited a website run by Hizballah and took screenshots of two martyrs who had died in the month of August; (3) Matar had a lockscreen on his phone which depicted another Hizballah martyr, Samir Kuntar; (4) Matar had a photo of Ahmed Kassir—Hizballah’s first martyr—on his bedroom wall; and (5) Matar sent his will to the Imam of his religious center several weeks before the attack, and he sent his will to another Imam two days before the attack.

For all of these reasons, this Court concludes that the evidence presented by the Government at trial was sufficient to allow a rational jury to find that Nasrallah’s 2006 speech guided or directed Hizballah’s supporters to carry out Ayatollah Khomeini’s fatwa on Rushdie, and that Matar, in attempting to carry out that fatwa on Hizballah’s behalf, was doing so “under” Hizballah’s “direction.” “‘[R]estrict[ed], constrain[ed], or control[ed],'” by the fatwa, Matar targeted Rushdie alone.

The fatwa and directive Matar received, and he was acting in furtherance of, was not a “hortatory, open-ended message.” Unlike the ISIS video the defendant watched in Ullah—which merely “urged” supporters to commit unspecified attacks against the fatwa endorsed by Nasrallah that Matar attempted to fulfill directed that a specific person be killed for a specific reason. Such directive “constrain[ed]” Matar in the precise manner required under Ullah….

The Court rejects Matar’s suggestion that the evidence was insufficient because the government failed to present any evidence: that Hizballah knew of Matar or his plan before the attack; that Hizballah communicated with Matar about the attack (or that the people with whom Matar did communicate were, in fact, members of Hizballah); that Matar reported to or sought approval from Hizballah; or that Hizballah exercised any constraint over whether, where, or how Matar acted. The law does not require such proof.

As the Court in Ullah observed, “[w]e do not hold that the ‘personnel'” prong only applies to ‘foreign fighters’ who travel abroad or submit to operational command structures.” Further the Court acknowledged, “[w]e do not hold that the statute specifically excludes certain types of directions, or directions disseminated through certain means like YouTube …. Instead, with an eye toward their content, we merely hold that the online videos at issue here [in Ullah] are not ‘directions’ at all, or at least do not demonstrate that Defendant acted ‘under” ISIS’s direction.'” Here, by contrast, Defendant attempted to do precisely that which the Hizballah-endorsed fatwa directed be done, to the person against whom it was directed, for the very reason directed….

Timothy C. Lynch and Charles M. Kruly represent the government.

Read the full article here

Fact Checker

Verify the accuracy of this article using AI-powered analysis and real-time sources.

Get Your Fact Check Report

Enter your email to receive detailed fact-checking analysis

5 free reports remaining

Continue with Full Access

You've used your 5 free reports. Sign up for unlimited access!

Already have an account? Sign in here

#IndependentMedia #MediaBias #NewsAnalysis #PoliticalNews #PublicDiscourse
Share. Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIn Tumblr Email Telegram Copy Link
News Room
  • Website
  • Facebook
  • X (Twitter)
  • Instagram
  • LinkedIn

The FSNN News Room is the voice of our in-house journalists, editors, and researchers. We deliver timely, unbiased reporting at the crossroads of finance, cryptocurrency, and global politics, providing clear, fact-driven analysis free from agendas.

Related Articles

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Once a $2.3 Billion Network, Ethereum Layer-2 Blast Is Shutting Down

8 minutes ago
Media & Culture

Tom Cruise’s New Climate Disaster Movie, Digger, Is a Disaster

55 minutes ago
Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Bitcoin Heads Higher on Macro Moves: Where Does BTC Go Next?

1 hour ago
Media & Culture

Todd Butler Compared Street Preacher In Supreme Court Case To “Domestic Terrorism”

2 hours ago
Media & Culture

Today in Supreme Court History: October 2, 1967

4 hours ago
Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

US Designates Russia’s A7 Network as Transnational Criminal Organization

4 hours ago
Add A Comment
Leave A Reply Cancel Reply

Editors Picks

Blast to Shut Down as Ethereum L2 Economics Fall Short

7 minutes ago

Once a $2.3 Billion Network, Ethereum Layer-2 Blast Is Shutting Down

8 minutes ago

Congress Has Another Site-Blocking Bill, And This One Targets VPNs

47 minutes ago

Tom Cruise’s New Climate Disaster Movie, Digger, Is a Disaster

55 minutes ago
Latest Posts

The six detained journalists At 12 noon on Friday, Cairo time, Eman Ouf, the rapporteur of the Women’s Committee and the Freedoms Committee at the Egyptian Press Syndicate, was rushing to the public prosecutor’s office. Technically, it was her day off, but the public prosecutor was working as normal, and she – along with other members of the syndicate’s board – feared that the six detained journalists who make up the editorial team of the fact-checking newsroom Matsada2sh would be brought before prosecutors without warning. “I’m too scared they’d be brought in alone,” Ouf told Index on Censorship. “We were here all day yesterday too, because, typically, statements from the [Ministry of] Interior would be followed by being brought to the public prosecutor.” Mohamed Ashraf Abu Emeira, Abdallah Qadry, Islam Barakat, Omar Helal, Mohamed Mahmoud and Mohamed Adel were detained by Egyptian security forces, in a coordinated operation spanning several governorates, and in a period of less than 24 hours. Starting on Monday evening, security personnel raided homes, confiscated electronic devices – including devices belonging to family members – and did not show arrest or search warrants, nor did they tell the families where the journalists were being taken. Some were arrested on the streets of Cairo. As of the time of writing, none of the six journalists have been brought before a judicial authority, according to the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), which represents all six. Neither their families nor their lawyers have been allowed to contact them, and their whereabouts remain officially unknown. The arrests brought the number of Egyptian journalists detained in connection with their work to 26, according to EIPR. They also represent something with no recent precedent: the simultaneous detention of an entire independent newsroom’s editorial staff. “Rather than targeting an individual journalist over a specific piece of reporting, the authorities aim to take an entire independent media platform offline by arresting its whole team,” Lobna Darwish, EIPR’s advocacy director, told Index on Censorship. Journalists treated as national security issue Matsada2sh – Arabic for “Don’t Believe It” – was founded in 2018 and has built a reputation for fact-checking government statements, scrutinising official claims, and producing open-source investigative reporting. In a media landscape tightly controlled by the government and mocked by critics for delivering content largely dictated word-for-word by officials, the platform has faced pressure before. In 2023, journalist Karim Asaad was arrested after Matsada2sh published information about Egyptian nationals detained in Zambia alongside a plane carrying cash and weapons. He was released after one day following pressure from the Press Syndicate. The Egyptian Ministry of Interior subsequently issued a statement on Thursday accusing Matsada2sh of being “part of the media committees of the terrorist Muslim Brotherhood group,” operating from abroad, spreading “false and fabricated news,” and receiving foreign funding. The invocation of the Muslim Brotherhood, which Egypt designated a terrorist organisation in 2013, carries significant legal consequences for the accused, according to Darwish. “The apparent use of the counterterrorism framework against the six journalists raises serious concerns about the state’s approach to media freedom,” she told Index on Censorship. “It also raises concerns that invoking terrorism allegations may be used to undermine the journalists’ basic due process rights and the constitutional guarantees protecting against imprisonment for offences committed through publication or other forms of expression.” The invocation of the Muslim Brotherhood, which Egypt designated a terrorist organisation in 2013, carries significant legal consequences for the accused “Unfortunately, this is not new,” she said, adding that the state invokes counterterrorism charges in most cases of arrests based on speech as well as publication of false news, to undermine due process rights and constitutional guarantees. She concluded: “More broadly, the statement treats journalistic activity as a national security issue.” Alarming precedent and unclear red lines In its statement, the ministry also noted that five of the six detained journalists are not registered members of the Egyptian Press Syndicate, an observation which CPJ’s Qudah said could not be used to justify their detention. “The fact that some of the detained journalists are not members of the Journalists’ Syndicate does not justify their detention or invalidate their work as journalists,” Sara Qudah told Index on Censorship. “Any genuine licensing or registration issue should be addressed through transparent administrative or judicial procedures, not through arrests or prolonged detention.” Qudah noted that one of the detained journalists is a Syndicate member, yet was detained regardless. “This should not be viewed simply as a dispute over professional registration,” she said. The arrests follow a well-documented pattern of press suppression in Egypt. Egypt is holding the highest number of journalists behind bars since record-keeping began. In 2024, Egypt ranked 170th out of 180 countries in the World Press Freedom Index issued by Reporters Without Borders. “The ‘red lines’ for independent journalism and public criticism in Egypt have become increasingly unclear and constantly shifting,” Darwish said. “Journalists often have no way of knowing what particular piece of reporting might provoke a security response.” The arrests follow a well-documented pattern of press suppression in Egypt Qudah echoed the concern about wider effects. “The fact that an entire newsroom has been detained is particularly alarming,” she said. “It risks sending a message to other journalists that investigative reporting, fact-checking government statements, or scrutinising officials can expose them to serious repercussions. That can contribute to greater self-censorship across the media sector.” In recent years, Egyptian President Abdelfattah El-Sisi has repeatedly warned journalists from coverage which the state deems disruptive and dishonest, calling on newsrooms to only report what the government confirms. Back at the public prosecutor’s office, Ouf waited. The syndicate’s position was clear: whatever the charges, journalists should not face prosecutors alone. “If Egyptian authorities believe that Matsada2sh or individual journalists have violated licensing requirements or committed an actual crime,” Qudah said, “they should present the evidence and allow the allegations to be tested through due process. Journalism itself should not be treated as a security offence.” *Journalist used a pseudonym for security concerns. READ MORE

1 hour ago

Ethereum-based Blast chain shuts down as operating ‘no longer makes sense’

1 hour ago

Crypto Biz: Kalshi, Blockchain.com and Crypto Treasury Valuations

1 hour ago

Subscribe to News

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

At FSNN – Free Speech News Network, we deliver unfiltered reporting and in-depth analysis on the stories that matter most. From breaking headlines to global perspectives, our mission is to keep you informed, empowered, and connected.

FSNN.net is owned and operated by GlobalBoost Media
, an independent media organization dedicated to advancing transparency, free expression, and factual journalism across the digital landscape.

Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
Latest News

Wall Street giant BNY discusses infrastructure tie-up with Kraken parent Payward

5 minutes ago

Blast to Shut Down as Ethereum L2 Economics Fall Short

7 minutes ago

Once a $2.3 Billion Network, Ethereum Layer-2 Blast Is Shutting Down

8 minutes ago

Subscribe to Updates

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

© 2026 GlobalBoost Media. All Rights Reserved.
  • Privacy Policy
  • Terms of Service
  • Our Authors
  • Contact

Type above and press Enter to search. Press Esc to cancel.

🍪

Cookies

We and our selected partners wish to use cookies to collect information about you for functional purposes and statistical marketing. You may not give us your consent for certain purposes by selecting an option and you can withdraw your consent at any time via the cookie icon.

Cookie Preferences

Manage Cookies

Cookies are small text that can be used by websites to make the user experience more efficient. The law states that we may store cookies on your device if they are strictly necessary for the operation of this site. For all other types of cookies, we need your permission. This site uses various types of cookies. Some cookies are placed by third party services that appear on our pages.

Your permission applies to the following domains:

  • https://fsnn.net
Necessary
Necessary cookies help make a website usable by enabling basic functions like page navigation and access to secure areas of the website. The website cannot function properly without these cookies.
Statistic
Statistic cookies help website owners to understand how visitors interact with websites by collecting and reporting information anonymously.
Preferences
Preference cookies enable a website to remember information that changes the way the website behaves or looks, like your preferred language or the region that you are in.
Marketing
Marketing cookies are used to track visitors across websites. The intention is to display ads that are relevant and engaging for the individual user and thereby more valuable for publishers and third party advertisers.