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Home»News»Media & Culture»Distortion by Omission: The New York Times and “Pro-Palestine” Demonstrations
Media & Culture

Distortion by Omission: The New York Times and “Pro-Palestine” Demonstrations

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If you are someone who gets their news primarily from the New York Times and NPR, as many liberal-leaning Americans do, you often get a distorted picture of what is going on the US and the world. This is often less because of outright errors in reporting, and more about what isn’t said.

For example, each outlet barely covered the widespread nationwide rioting that accompanied Black Lives Matters protests in summer 2020. I still meet people who think the the primary violence that summer was from police manhandling protestors, and are completely unaware of the deaths, injuries and massive property damage attributable to rioters.

Similarly, I keep encountering people who have no idea that there was widespread antisemitic violence, intimidation, and threats on college campuses after Oct. 7, 2023, and instead think that university officials and later the Trump administration had no justification for clamping down on what they perceive as peaceful “pro-Palestine” protests. And that’s because they are being misinformed by sources like the Times and NPR.

Case in point: In a puff piece in yesterday’s New York Times about a lawsuit filed by Mahmoud Khalil, alleging discrimination by Columbia University against Palestinian students and their “pro-Palestine” allies, the Times reports: “The 2023 and 2024 protests divided the Columbia campus, with thousands joining in, and others, including some Jewish students, saying they were too disruptive or made them feel unsafe.”

Here, relying on a recent article of  mine, is some of what happened at Columbia, limited to violence, threats, and intimidation–and this involves only the incidents that were publicly reported:

In October 2023, an Israeli Columbia student was assaulted in front of Butler Library by a former student who was no longer affiliated with the university. The assailant allegedly struck the student with a stick; police arrested and charged the suspect. During a separate student walkout “for Palestine,” a Jewish student was allegedly shoved by a Columbia classmate wearing a keffiyeh and subsequently swarmed by protesters.

Another incident outside Butler Library was more explicitly antisemitic. According to a subsequent civil-rights complaint, an individual confronted a Jewish student while yelling “Free Palestine” and “Fuck the Jews.” The assailant allegedly made the motivation explicit, telling the student that he had singled him out “because you are a Jew.”

Other physical incidents followed. Columbia student Jonathan Lederer was assaulted while carrying Israeli flags on April 20, 2024; the source cited in my article reports that a suspect threw a rock at him. Lederer was assaulted again on December 11, 2024, while once again carrying an Israeli flag; this time, the assailant reportedly punched him and called him a “Nazi.” In another incident, a Jewish Columbia student wearing a kippah was spat upon and told, “I hope you guys suffer.”

These individual confrontations occurred against a background of increasingly intimidating mass protests. Demonstrators at Columbia shouted “Fuck the Jews,” “Death to Jews,” and “Fuck Israel,” attempted to instigate fights, and screamed at a rabbi who was praying with students.

At one demonstration, protest organizer Mohsen Mahdawi used a megaphone to direct protesters to push back a small group of pro-Israel students. Columbia officials themselves later acknowledged that the campus had experienced “threatening rhetoric and intimidation.”

Protesters also targeted a Columbia class dealing with Israel, distributing flyers bearing such slogans as “The enemy will not see tomorrow” and “Burn Zionism to the Ground.” Jewish organizations characterized the messages as incitement.

Perhaps the most notorious individual episode involved Columbia student protest leader Khymani James. James publicly declared that “Zionists don’t deserve to live” and said that people should be “grateful that I’m not just going out and murdering Zionists.” Columbia suspended him, and even the White House condemned his statements.

What happened afterward is also significant. Columbia University Apartheid Divest (CUAD), the umbrella organization for anti-Israel groups on campus (and to which Khalid was attached), initially apologized for James’s statements. It subsequently withdrew the apology and expressly endorsed “armed resistance.” James likewise disavowed his expression of regret.

There was another feature of the protests that mattered to many Jewish students: anonymity. At Columbia, as elsewhere, many demonstrators concealed their identities with masks, keffiyehs, and other face coverings while participating in protests that included rhetoric such as “Globalize the Intifada.”

Whatever one’s view of that slogan in isolation, its effect can be different when it is shouted by anonymous demonstrators amid actual incidents of assault and intimidation. Students encountering such protesters cannot necessarily know whether the masked people endorsing violent “resistance” are strangers, classmates, or people living in their own dormitories.

The situation escalated dramatically during the spring 2024 encampment, when students blocked up a section of campus.

The escalation culminated in the occupation of Hamilton Hall. Protesters broke into the building, vandalized it, and held two custodians against their will, while calling them “Jew-lovers.”

Columbia’s own findings provide important evidence about how this environment affected Jewish students.

The university’s Task Force on Antisemitism reported that Jewish students described not only verbal harassment and social ostracism, but also being physically targeted and feeling unsafe in their dormitories.

By April 2024, the situation had become sufficiently alarming that a Columbia campus rabbi advised Jewish students to leave campus and return home as soon as possible because of concerns about their safety.

To recap, Jewish and Israeli students were assaulted. A student wearing a kippah was spat upon. A Jewish student was told explicitly that he was being targeted because he was Jewish. Demonstrators shouted “Death to Jews,” attempted to instigate fights, and pushed pro-Israel students backward. A prominent student leader had declared that “Zionists don’t deserve to live” and said others should be grateful he was not murdering them. Protest organizations embraced “armed resistance.” Masked demonstrators participated in increasingly lawless protests. And eventually protesters broke into a university building, vandalized it, and held employees against their will. Columbia’s own antisemitism task force found Jewish students reporting that they had been physically targeted and felt unsafe even in their dormitories.

We that in mind, we can see that the Times’ description–The 2023 and 2024 protests divided the Columbia campus, with thousands joining in, and others, including some Jewish students, saying they were too disruptive or made them feel unsafe–is not  itself inaccurate. It’s what it leaves out that leaves reader uninformed.

Bonus: The article also reports: “In a statement, Adam Guillette, the president of Accuracy in Media [a defendant], said his group had ‘repeatedly delivered accountability to Columbia’s pro-Hamas radicals,’ using language that echoed the Trump administration’s description of pro-Palestinian campus protesters.”

The leaders of Columbia’s anti-Israel protests defended Oct. 7 within days, and were led by Students for Justice in Palestine, a pro-Hamas organization. So while not every protestor was pro-Hamas, the protestors, writ large, were indeed pro-Hamas radicals, but the Times wants you to think that this is just a Trump thing.

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