Close Menu
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
Trending

SUI drops 3.2% as index trades lower

5 minutes ago

Metaplanet Q1 Operating Profit Rises as Bitcoin Loss Widens

10 minutes ago

Father of Fertility

33 minutes ago
Facebook X (Twitter) Instagram
Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Market Data Newsletter
Wednesday, May 13
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Home»News»Media & Culture»U.K. Elections Show Populist Uprising Is Far From Over
Media & Culture

U.K. Elections Show Populist Uprising Is Far From Over

News RoomBy News Room2 hours agoNo Comments6 Mins Read1,564 Views
Share Facebook Twitter Pinterest Copy Link LinkedIn Tumblr Email VKontakte Telegram
U.K. Elections Show Populist Uprising Is Far From Over
Share
Facebook Twitter Pinterest Email Copy Link

Listen to the article

0:00
0:00

Key Takeaways

Playback Speed

Select a Voice

If you wondered whether the populist surge of the last decade shows any signs of abating, the answer is a resounding no. In last week’s local elections in the United Kingdom, the biggest winner was the insurgent Reform Party, which went from almost no seats on local councils to the largest share and firmly established itself in regional parliaments. The next biggest winner was the upstart Green Party, which gained hundreds of seats. Squeezed out were the two traditionally dominant parties, especially the governing Labour Party. Polls suggest similar results can be expected elsewhere in elections to come.

You are reading The Rattler from J.D. Tuccille and Reason. Get more of J.D.’s commentary on government overreach and threats to everyday liberty.

Prior to the election, the anti-immigration/populist Reform Party held all of two seats in local councils across Britain; it now has 1,454. The environmentalist/socialist Green Party gained 441 seats for a total of 587. Britain’s Labour and Conservative parties, which have alternated in power for a century, lost 1,498 and 563 seats, respectively.

In Wales, the nationalist Plaid Cymru party won the most seats in the regional parliament for the first time, with Reform as the second-largest party. The Scottish National Party continues to dominate Scotland’s parliament, though with a reduced presence; Labour and Reform tied at 17 seats each for second place, with the Greens close behind at 15 seats.

Reform had no representation in either of the regional parliaments before this election. It’s fair to say that the results showed deep dissatisfaction with both major parties. Labour Prime Minister Keir Starmer, whose approval is almost 50 points underwater, faces calls from his own party to step down.

You can bet the results were watched across the English Channel in Europe, where establishment politicians have faced—and often lost to—populist insurgencies of their own in recent years. British election results and polling in several countries suggest the voters have plenty more revolt in them.

In France, early polling for the 2027 presidential election puts Jordan Bardella, the candidate of the populist Rassemblement National, in first place at 35 percent. That’s comfortably ahead of the second-place candidate, former Prime Minister Edouard Philippe, who pulls 20.5 percent.

“The far-right Rassemblement National would comfortably win the first round of a presidential election if it were held tomorrow,” reports Zane Lilley of The Connexion.

In Germany, the state-funded Deutsche Welle broadcaster reports that “never before has a German government been this unpopular after only one year in office as that of Chancellor Friedrich Merz.” The public broadcaster adds that “for the first time, there is a clear majority in support of the Alternative for Germany (AfD)—a party of which several regional chapters are classified as right-wing. At 27% nationwide, it has reached a new record high.”

Like the U.K.’s Reform, the populist/anti-immigration AfD has done well in local elections, demonstrating strong support beyond its base in the region that was once communist East Germany.

A populist victory in any of these countries wouldn’t be novel after years of governance by Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and her Fratelli d’Italia–led coalition, Poland’s years under the Law and Justice Party, or after the participation of populist parties in the Netherlands’ last coalition government. Populist parties have also won and governed elsewhere—including, notably, Hungary, where Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party governed for 16 years before losing power last month.

But Orban and Fidesz demonstrated that upstart populists can wear out their welcome. After many years in office, Orban and company were the political establishment. They displayed even more authoritarianism and corruption than traditional politicians, so disgusted voters turned them out.

That’s not to say that Reform’s breakthrough in the U.K. or the rise of the Rassemblement National in France or the AfD in Germany necessarily portend Orban-style thuggery in those countries. Populism is more of a grassroots reaction against local politics-as-usual than a coherent ideology. As Walter Russell Mead noted for The Wall Street Journal in reaction to the British election results, “The new direction in politics seems less firmly aligned with either the left or the right than with antiestablishment and identity-based politics.”

That can mean a variety of outcomes depending on just what it is the electorate is reacting against in any given country. The results can be all over the place.

Writing last year for the European Center for Populism Studies, Amedeo Varriale commented that Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia, “despite its (distant) neofascist origins, is now steadily progressing toward liberal conservatism” and away from a “type of socialistic extreme right” that “was still influenced by neofascist anti-capitalism.”

Along those lines, Reform leader Nigel Farage once associated himself with the free-market legacy of Margaret Thatcher, but he began remaking his political image several years ago. Reform calls to “cut red tape, cut business taxes, simplify planning, and create a stable, pro-enterprise environment.” But it also flirts with nationalizing industries and mostly defines itself as nationalistic and anti-immigration.

France’s Rassemblement National also takes a hard line against immigration and crime.  On economics, the party’s recent platforms propose restricting “unfair” foreign competition, renationalizing highways, subsidizing families and young workers, lowering the retirement age to 60, imposing a wealth tax, and increased funding for public healthcare. The party’s positions once led the BBC to ask whether it was best characterized as “far right or hard left.”

Likewise, the AfD is anti-immigration and nationalist, as are most populist parties. Its platform leans towards deregulation of business and the labor market and lower taxes, putting it at odds with Germany’s penchant for intrusive bureaucracy. That said, its members have an unfortunate habit of embracing identitarianism when they’re not playing with outright Nazism.

Whatever its flavor from place to place, the populist revolt of recent years isn’t going anywhere. Voters in many countries remain discontented with the status quo and show every sign that they intend to turn out the establishment and put somebody else in power. That generally means emphasizing national concerns and restricting the flow of immigrants. Beyond that, though, results will depend on local culture and just what infuriated voters in each country and led them to reject politics as usual.

Read the full article here

Fact Checker

Verify the accuracy of this article using AI-powered analysis and real-time sources.

Get Your Fact Check Report

Enter your email to receive detailed fact-checking analysis

5 free reports remaining

Continue with Full Access

You've used your 5 free reports. Sign up for unlimited access!

Already have an account? Sign in here

#CivicEngagement #MediaEthics #NewsAnalysis #OpenDebate #PoliticalMedia
Share. Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIn Tumblr Email Telegram Copy Link
News Room
  • Website
  • Facebook
  • X (Twitter)
  • Instagram
  • LinkedIn

The FSNN News Room is the voice of our in-house journalists, editors, and researchers. We deliver timely, unbiased reporting at the crossroads of finance, cryptocurrency, and global politics, providing clear, fact-driven analysis free from agendas.

Related Articles

Media & Culture

Father of Fertility

33 minutes ago
Media & Culture

Ken Paxton Pretends To Care About Consumers, Sues Netflix To ‘Protect The Children’

2 hours ago
Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Morning Minute: CPI Comes In Hot; Stocks, Crypto Shrug

2 hours ago
Media & Culture

Today in Supreme Court History: May 13, 1912

3 hours ago
Media & Culture

Brickbat: Red Meat Issues

6 hours ago
Media & Culture

The Trump Administration Is a Powerful but Unreliable Ally of Second Amendment Advocates

10 hours ago
Add A Comment
Leave A Reply Cancel Reply

Editors Picks

Metaplanet Q1 Operating Profit Rises as Bitcoin Loss Widens

10 minutes ago

Father of Fertility

33 minutes ago

LEFT: Still from the film Dhurandhar which came out in India in 2025, directed by Aditya Dhar. Photo: COLLECTION CHRISTOPHEL © B62 Studios – Benetone Films – Jio Studios/Alamy This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illliberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026.  Salim Mirza, played by one of India’s greatest actors, Balraj Sahni, stands on the wide platform of Agra railway station, as he waves goodbye to his sister and her children who are leaving for Karachi. India has been partitioned overnight but Mirza’s love for Agra, his home city, holds him back. He’s not like most of his fellow Muslims who are leaving en masse in search of a life they presume will be free from discrimination. As the story unfolds, Mirza’s small shoe manufacturing business endures spiralling losses, heightening his dilemma, but eventually Mirza decides to stay, braving the harsh realities of post-independence India. Garm Hawa (Scorching Winds), made in 1974, is one of the greatest Hindi films on Partition and the geo-politics of India and Pakistan. It was made on a shoestring budget and the director Mysore Shrinivas Sathyu borrowed three quarters of the money from his friends. In Garm Hawa, Karachi was positioned as a “land of hope” and Pakistan was not merely a land of barbaric violence. Though in reality Partition had caused enormous bloodshed on both sides of the border, resulting in the largest singular human displacement in the subcontinent’s history. Even at the time, the film struggled to be released, held back by the Censor Board which cited communal sensitivity. But Garm Hawa finally saw the light of day at the Cannes Film Festival the following year and received international recognition. The arguments for Garm Hawa’s subtle, heart-wrenching but humanist approach towards those troubled times after Partition are many. But what is most striking is the absence of hyper-nationalist discourse and “Islamophobia” from the public realm at the time. Interestingly, the term Islamophobia was only adopted later as sociological jargon. The portrayal of Muslims Hindi cinema has come a long way from the 1970s when a film could depict Muslims as real, honest people living ordinary lives and being forced to leave India for Pakistan. Now, cinema is showing Pakistan as a country of terrorists, crime, blood and gruesomeness with Karachi at the heart. The apogee of this trend is Dhurandhar which came out in 2025. The film is both a historic discourse and reflects the rise of hyper-nationalist cinema. It was a huge success at the box office, taking an extraordinary $160 million (13 billion rupees). The cinematic change hasn’t happened overnight, it is intertwined with India’s social transformation and compounded by ideology. A cursory search of films themed on India Pakistan relations throws up mostly espionage thrillers or military dramas. Some of the films were released as early as 1997, like Border set during the India-Pakistan war of 1971. In 2003, there was LOC: Kargil about the 1999 border war between India and Pakistan and the 2007 movie, 1971, was also about the Indo-Pak war. They are more nuanced in comparison with what is happening today and all came out a long time before the current batch of hyper-nationalistic cinema even got the wind in their sails; tellingly, a sequel to 1997’s Border was released on 23 January 2026. On the whole, the late 1990s films laid the groundwork for more definitive later works which showed Hindu heroism and Muslims as the enemy, like for instance The Kashmir Files, Uri The Surgical Strike, The Kerala Story, Raazi, Fighter or Gaddar 2. All are premised on the idea of “patriotism” and “bravery” as predominant emotions and they enjoy a Bollywood eco-system willing to back such projects. Patriotism is box-office gold In a typical chicken and egg scenario, a long list of producers are happy to fund money spinners. The latest “patriotic” films like Dhurandhar and Chhaava were among the highest-grossing films of the year. And as there is such massive demand for stories of Muslim “othering”, more films are getting made. Interestingly, the universe of propaganda films made in 2025 is varied, a period film, Chhaava is focused on Mughals and Marathas. Films like Sky Force and Tanvi The Great are political thrillers. Diplomat, another release, concentrates on Islamic terrorism while Sarzameen is an army thriller based in Kashmir. Dhurandhar, the most successful one of all, is significant because it shifts the film-making grammar of its predecessors and emerges as a gripping entertainer with upscaled cinematic techniques. Wickedly crafted, it is primarily a spy thriller, but it is also a gangster movie and a story of regional political conflict reflecting Pakistan’s internal politics. The genres are mixed together to churn out a brutally violent film, hitherto unseen in Hindi cinema. The screenplay deploys a smart structure with short segments leading from one to the other. This is mounted with a chartbusting techno Qawaali, (a form of Sufi devotional singing) originally used in the iconic 1960s superhit Barsaat. There are high velocity action shots either in extra close-up or from drone cameras. The film is set in the gory, trash-littered streets of a working-class neighbourhood of Karachi. And the characterisation is original. The lead character Hamza Ali Mazari (later unmasked as Indian army officer Jaskirat Singh Rangi), goes undercover as a member of Baloch mobster Rehman Dakait’s gang. Dakait is played by well-known and much-loved Bollywood actor Akshaye Khanna, Mazari by one of the highest paid younger generation actors Ranveer Singh. Dhurandhar appears to be a slick, edgy, hard-hitting movie not your typical hyper-nationalist puff. It speaks its language of bigotry differently, laced with codes of love-hate for the Muslim aesthetic, like its use of popular qawwali and ghazals (forms of music mostly associated with Islamic cultures), spliced with the portrayal of sado-masochistic Muslim men – and women – trying to break free from their “prison”. Younger audiences have lapped up Dhurandhar because they have already been weaned on the unsettling universe of Hollywood’s Kill Bill and Sin City. And the massive distribution network behind the film with 3,000 screenings worldwide, 390 in North America alone, has created a juggernaut guaranteeing the movie’s success. Such intertwinings are intricate and clever, a stark contrast to a handful of cinemas with small budgets but powered by a gritty resolve to tell a story rising from the very same geo-politics but which still manage to remain humane. Ikkis (meaning 21) was released in 2025 without much fanfare, while Dhurandhar was a crushing box office hit. Ikkis is a tenderly told true story of a young army man who died in the Indo-Pak war in 1971 and the events that follow next, when his octogenarian father travels to Lahore for a college reunion thirty years after his son’s death. No jingoism, no slogan-mongering, it casts a newcomer Agastya Nanda, together with the legendary actor Dharmendra who died a few days before the film’s release to pose some vital humanitarian questions connected to war. Ikkis was reportedly made with a budget of between $4.7 million and $7.1 million and was released on 1 January. The film was distributed by powerhouse brands – quite startling as one of them is also the distributor for Dhurandhar – yet it hasn’t been able to catch a break so far and has been a box office flop. The film got some love from a handful of audiences willing to argue for peace. So, it is much more conducive for propaganda films like Dhurandhar to be made (its sequel Dhurandhar 2 is ready for a March release). A polarised view of the world, where Pakistan and Muslims are baddies and Hindus and Indians are goodies, is driving enormous profits for Bollywood, so no wonder the movie moguls are not stopping. READ MORE

48 minutes ago

Why the copper-to-gold breakout could point to bitcoin (BTC) breakout

1 hour ago
Latest Posts

Coinbase Launches x402 Batch Settlement to Advance AI Payments

1 hour ago

Ken Paxton Pretends To Care About Consumers, Sues Netflix To ‘Protect The Children’

2 hours ago

U.K. Elections Show Populist Uprising Is Far From Over

2 hours ago

Subscribe to News

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

At FSNN – Free Speech News Network, we deliver unfiltered reporting and in-depth analysis on the stories that matter most. From breaking headlines to global perspectives, our mission is to keep you informed, empowered, and connected.

FSNN.net is owned and operated by GlobalBoost Media
, an independent media organization dedicated to advancing transparency, free expression, and factual journalism across the digital landscape.

Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
Latest News

SUI drops 3.2% as index trades lower

5 minutes ago

Metaplanet Q1 Operating Profit Rises as Bitcoin Loss Widens

10 minutes ago

Father of Fertility

33 minutes ago

Subscribe to Updates

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

© 2026 GlobalBoost Media. All Rights Reserved.
  • Privacy Policy
  • Terms of Service
  • Our Authors
  • Contact

Type above and press Enter to search. Press Esc to cancel.

🍪

Cookies

We and our selected partners wish to use cookies to collect information about you for functional purposes and statistical marketing. You may not give us your consent for certain purposes by selecting an option and you can withdraw your consent at any time via the cookie icon.

Cookie Preferences

Manage Cookies

Cookies are small text that can be used by websites to make the user experience more efficient. The law states that we may store cookies on your device if they are strictly necessary for the operation of this site. For all other types of cookies, we need your permission. This site uses various types of cookies. Some cookies are placed by third party services that appear on our pages.

Your permission applies to the following domains:

  • https://fsnn.net
Necessary
Necessary cookies help make a website usable by enabling basic functions like page navigation and access to secure areas of the website. The website cannot function properly without these cookies.
Statistic
Statistic cookies help website owners to understand how visitors interact with websites by collecting and reporting information anonymously.
Preferences
Preference cookies enable a website to remember information that changes the way the website behaves or looks, like your preferred language or the region that you are in.
Marketing
Marketing cookies are used to track visitors across websites. The intention is to display ads that are relevant and engaging for the individual user and thereby more valuable for publishers and third party advertisers.