Close Menu
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
Trending

Bitcoin, Ethereum Resume Rebound as Inflation Hits 3-Year High

4 minutes ago

Why So Many People Feel Lost

35 minutes ago

Prediction markets get first U.S. rule proposal as CFTC pursues contract reviews

57 minutes ago
Facebook X (Twitter) Instagram
Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Market Data Newsletter
Wednesday, June 10
  • Home
  • News
    • Politics
    • Legal & Courts
    • Tech & Big Tech
    • Campus & Education
    • Media & Culture
    • Global Free Speech
  • Opinions
    • Debates
  • Video/Live
  • Community
  • Freedom Index
  • About
    • Mission
    • Contact
    • Support
FSNN | Free Speech News NetworkFSNN | Free Speech News Network
Home»News»Media & Culture»Is Trump Investigating the NFL Because He Failed To Buy a Team So Many Times?
Media & Culture

Is Trump Investigating the NFL Because He Failed To Buy a Team So Many Times?

News RoomBy News Room2 months agoNo Comments9 Mins Read555 Views
Share Facebook Twitter Pinterest Copy Link LinkedIn Tumblr Email VKontakte Telegram
Is Trump Investigating the NFL Because He Failed To Buy a Team So Many Times?
Share
Facebook Twitter Pinterest Email Copy Link

Listen to the article

0:00
0:00

Key Takeaways

Playback Speed

Select a Voice

Hello and welcome to another edition of Free Agent! Get creative this week, and name something new after something you love.

I’m a little bit sorry for going on a rant about sports, antitrust law, and federal enforcement—but not that sorry. Enjoy the ride. There are some thoughts about golf when you get to the end.

But first, a quick congratulations to Sage Timoteo, the winner of our men’s bracket challenge. He beat out eight other participants who had Michigan winning, and finished in the 99th percentile of ESPN’s many brackets. Congratulations, Sage!

Don’t miss sports coverage from Jason Russell and Reason.

If someone spurned you on numerous occasions, and you later ended up as president of an excessively powerful government, you might be tempted to get even by siccing your regulatory bulldogs on them. That doesn’t mean you should.

“The Justice Department has opened an investigation into whether the National Football League has engaged in anticompetitive tactics amid complaints that watching football has become too expensive, according to people familiar with the situation,” The Wall Street Journal reported in an exclusive last week. “The nature and scope of the investigation couldn’t immediately be learned. Spokesmen for the Justice Department and the NFL declined to comment.”

This comes on the heels of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) requesting comment from the public on sports, broadcast rights, and streaming, with the request itself “a big blow against streaming services that aren’t connected to a broadcast TV network (Netflix, Amazon Prime Video, Apple TV, etc.)” as I wrote in March. 

The Trump administration, it seems, is not so subtly pressuring the NFL to forgo streaming dollars or face government regulation. (To be fair, FCC commissioners are appointed by the president, but the commission is technically independent from the administration—although the current chairman apparently doesn’t feel that way.) Could it be because President Donald Trump tried to get into NFL ownership several different times and came up short?

Here’s the timeline of Trump and the NFL. Trump first tried to buy the Baltimore Colts from Jim Irsay in 1981, and possibly again in 1983. Then in 1984, the Cowboys went up for sale and Trump expressed interest, but decided to focus his football energies on the brand-new United States Football League (USFL). Trump had purchased the New Jersey Generals in 1983. In 1985, the USFL sued the NFL on—what else?—antitrust grounds. He hoped the lawsuit would lead to the leagues merging, with a triumphant Trump emerging as an NFL owner. The USFL won the case, but was only awarded a whopping $3.76. Apparently the check was never cashed. Trump again expressed interest in buying the Cowboys in 1988, but was unsuccessful. When the Patriots were up for sale in 1988, Trump actually “sort of…[had] the first chance to bid on the team,” according to Newsweek editor Tim Marcin, but didn’t want their debt, so he passed. Almost two decades later, Trump still wanted a football team, so in 2014 he bid $1 billion to buy the Buffalo Bills. But Terry Pegula got the team instead by paying $1.4 billion. Trump later said, “I bid on that team half-heartedly because I really wanted to [run for president].” (I, for one, wish Trump were currently the owner of the Bills instead of president, despite some affection for the Bills). Then, during the first Trump administration, the squabbles were more public: Trump got mad about players kneeling during the national anthem, which also led to controversies over Super Bowl champions visiting, or not visiting, the White House.

The public relationship between Trump and the NFL seems warmer during his second administration, with Trump attending multiple games, including Super Bowl LIX. But he also keeps complaining about the new kickoff rules. Perhaps the kickoffs, and not decades of failed ownership attempts, are what’s really behind the Trump administration’s pressure against the NFL?

In any case, the Justice Department’s investigation and FCC request for comment might both come to nothing, and the league would fight back against any legal charges or regulatory actions.

“One central defense is that the NFL won a trial in 2024 over this topic,” writes Sportico legal analyst Michael McCann, referring to the antitrust lawsuit over the league’s Sunday Ticket product. The league initially lost that lawsuit, but a federal judge tossed out the jury verdict (though a federal appeals court may rule differently in the near future). McCann continued: “Another [defense] is the U.S. Supreme Court may regard pro sports leagues as unique joint ventures where individual teams should receive deference in how they collaborate.”

As that last quote implies, the real issue here is that the league has 32 teams that are technically separate business entities. In theory, those businesses are supposed to be competing against each other instead of colluding.

The whole thing is a great example of how absurd antitrust law has gotten. The NFL is in the midst of negotiations with TV networks and streaming platforms for the broadcast rights of its entertainment product: football games. Like any other private, for-profit enterprise, the NFL wants to maximize its profits from those negotiations. If the Justice Department and the FCC are going to apply regulatory pressure on the NFL for doing that, it’s basically attacking the foundation of the capitalist system.

The law the NFL is alleged to have broken is the Sherman Antitrust Act. This was passed way back in 1890 because people were concerned about the power amassed by John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil, which controlled the vast majority of oil refining in the country. If one company controlled so much oil, the theory was, then it could charge obscene prices for the kerosene that people used to light their homes every night.

To go from that to using the same law to punish the NFL (or most other antitrust litigation targets) is crazy.

Legislators at the time basically had a do something! mentality that resulted in a bad law. “It was loosely worded and failed to define such critical terms as ‘trust,’ ‘combination,’ ‘conspiracy,’ and ‘monopoly,'” according to the National Archives. The hope was that courts would figure all that out. At first, they refused to trustbust, but over time courts have seized opportunities to establish confusing, complicated precedents on market narrowness and competition.

The NFL is not a monopoly or a necessity. Even in the narrow industry of football entertainment, it competes with college football, the Canadian Football League, and the United Football League. In sports entertainment, it competes with the NBA, NHL, MLB, and every other league that is broadcast somewhere, sometime. In entertainment, it’s competing with everything else trying to grab our scarce time and attention spans: movies, TV, books, video games, social media, and Sunday afternoon naps. The league dominates many of those competitors, yes, but it still competes with them on price and quality.

No one is entitled to watch the NFL. If someone decides a game is too difficult or costly to watch, no one dies or suffers anything other than very minor entertainment-related harm. (The league, it’s worth noting, is actually one of the easiest to watch, “with over 87% of our games on free, broadcast television, including 100% of games in the markets of the competing teams,” according to a league spokesperson.) Watching sports on broadcast TV instead of streaming platforms is not some sacrosanct human right that needs to be protected by the federal government. As we prepare to celebrate the 250th anniversary of America’s founding, it is mind-boggling to be at the point where “Should a sports league be allowed to put more games on streaming platforms?” is a real question that the Justice Department and the FCC are spending their time on.

Believe it or not, deep inside the golf world some people are trying to make it even harder to play golf—for both professionals and weekend hackers.

Thanks to better technology in drivers, swing analysis, and athleticism, players are hitting it farther than ever. Some of golf’s various rulemakers want to deal with that with the “rollback,” basically telling ballmakers to design balls that don’t go as far (roughly 10–20 yards less for a top pro).

What’s funny is that scores on the PGA Tour haven’t changed all that much in the last two decades, but that’s because courses are lengthening their holes to compensate. There’s only so much space for courses to expand into. Augusta National Golf Club, for example, has had enough of expansion.

“Until recent years golf has been a game of imagination, creativity, and variety. The game has become much more one dimensional.”

Fred Ridley spoke about Augusta Nationals full support of the golf ball rollback during his press conference introduction. pic.twitter.com/xw5oW8KRHb

— GOLF.com (@GOLF_com) April 8, 2026

On the one hand, I get it. The more players drive the green on par 4 holes, the more time midrange irons spend in the bag collecting dust. If courses can’t go longer, players could start mauling course records set by the game’s longtime greats. On the other hand, chicks (and everyone else) dig the long ball. Watching golfers do things that have never been done before would bring new fans in. If every pro has the same access to the same drivers, then who cares? It’s not going to work out every time.

Aldrich Potgieter averages 325 off the tee on the PGA Tour. Jose Maria Olazabal averages 268 off the tee on the senior tour.

JMO beat him by 10 today.

On the front nine.

— Kyle Porter (@KylePorterNS) April 9, 2026

What seems like a huge mistake is applying the rollback to amateurs just trying to break 100. Golf is hard enough as it is. When people watch Rory or Scottie save par on a tough hole, they want to think they could do that too, or at least put a respectable score together from a closer tee. But the governing bodies have this flipped—it’s the playing pros of the PGA Tour and teaching pros at the PGA of America that don’t want a rollback, while the USGA and the R&A (who technically “govern” most of the world’s casual golfers) are the ones pushing for the rollback.

I have plenty more thoughts on golf and The Masters—if you want to chat, feel free to send me an email at freeagent@reason.com.

Who says small ball is dead? The Nationals took a 9th-inning lead against the Brewers on Friday thanks to three bunts in the same inning, none of which resulted in an out.

That’s all for this week. Enjoy watching the real game of the weekend—not the NBA playoffs, but the Wellington Saints against the Canterbury Rams in New Zealand’s National Basketball League.



Read the full article here

Fact Checker

Verify the accuracy of this article using AI-powered analysis and real-time sources.

Get Your Fact Check Report

Enter your email to receive detailed fact-checking analysis

5 free reports remaining

Continue with Full Access

You've used your 5 free reports. Sign up for unlimited access!

Already have an account? Sign in here

#IndependentMedia #Journalism #MediaBias #OpenDebate #PublicDiscourse
Share. Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIn Tumblr Email Telegram Copy Link
News Room
  • Website
  • Facebook
  • X (Twitter)
  • Instagram
  • LinkedIn

The FSNN News Room is the voice of our in-house journalists, editors, and researchers. We deliver timely, unbiased reporting at the crossroads of finance, cryptocurrency, and global politics, providing clear, fact-driven analysis free from agendas.

Related Articles

Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Bitcoin, Ethereum Resume Rebound as Inflation Hits 3-Year High

4 minutes ago
Media & Culture

Why So Many People Feel Lost

35 minutes ago
Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Paradigm, Hyperliquid Policy Center Push Back on GENIUS Act Stablecoin AML Rule

1 hour ago
Media & Culture

‘CBS news is on fire’

2 hours ago
Cryptocurrency & Free Speech Finance

Solana Sponsors the World Series of Poker, Enabling Crypto Entry Fees and Payouts

2 hours ago
Media & Culture

Supreme Court Surprisingly Backs FCC Effort To Punish AT&T, Verizon For Spying On Public Location Data

3 hours ago
Add A Comment

Comments are closed.

Editors Picks

Why So Many People Feel Lost

35 minutes ago

Prediction markets get first U.S. rule proposal as CFTC pursues contract reviews

57 minutes ago

Pyth Launches 24/7 Pricing Indices for Stocks and Commodities

1 hour ago

Paradigm, Hyperliquid Policy Center Push Back on GENIUS Act Stablecoin AML Rule

1 hour ago
Latest Posts

‘CBS news is on fire’

2 hours ago

Hungary’s Sziget festival is known as a safe place to express yourself freely. Photo: Sandor Csudai/www.facebook.com/csudaisandor This article first appeared in the Spring 2026 issue of Index on Censorship, The monster unleashed: How Hungary’s illiberal vision is seducing the Western world published on 2 April 2026. Crossing Budapest’s brutalist K-Bridge across the Danube to Óbuda Island on a grey spring day feels like the last journey of a condemned prisoner. The steel truss bridge was built as a temporary measure in 1955, a year before the uprising in which university students and ordinary citizens took to the streets to protest against the Stalinist government of Mátyás Rákosi. The single set of railway tracks suggests a one-way journey. It was built to give access to Budapest’s great Ganz Danubius shipyard. The shipyard was finally closed in 2000, after years of decline. These days, the bridge acts more like a rabbit hole from Orbán’s Hungary into Wonderland. Every summer, hundreds of thousands of people young and old cross to the leafy island to be entertained by music, theatre and dance, and to be challenged by debate, art and film – the joyous week-long celebration of free expression that is the Sziget Festival. Sziget was born from the ashes of Communism. In 1993, four years after the fall of the Iron Curtain, Károly Gerendai was just 22. Thin and sporting a shock of long hair like a Hungarian David Gilmour, Gerendai had become interested in the music industry whilst in high school. As a student, he earned money fly-posting and as a tour manager. Later, he managed bands and worked for record labels. That year, he was in charge of Sziámi, one of the best-known alt-rock bands in the Hungarian underground scene. On the tour bus after a concert, he fell into conversation with Péter Müller, the band’s frontman. “We talked about how, after the political transition, the big youth events had disappeared,” Gerendai told Index. “Before the political transition of 1989–90, there were state-organised youth events, but we quickly realised that they mainly served as a way for the state to control young people. Although we could meet and have fun together, we always felt the state’s watchful eye on us.” State control extended beyond the audience and on to the stage. “In the music industry, strong state selection was also in place: there were supported, tolerated, and banned bands, so not everyone was allowed to be heard.” This is where the seed of something new was born. Post Iron Curtain Co-founder Károly Gerendai. Photo: Sziget Festival “We thought it would be great to organise a multi-day event where young people could be together – something like a holiday combined with concerts, various cultural programmes, and community activities,” he said. Gerendai and Müller approached Gábor Demszky, mayor of Budapest at the time and first of the post-Communist era, for help. “He supported the concept but told us to organise it ourselves,” Gerendai told Index. “Even though we had no experience with anything like this, we boldly jumped into the organisation.” This make-it-up-as-you-go-along approach was typical in post-Soviet eastern Europe. The mayor suggested three possible venues for the festival, one of which was Óbuda Island. The island punctuates the Danube like a giant green exclamation mark between the city’s two halves, Buda and Pest. “Two iconic music events had previously been held there, both attracting huge interest,” said Gerendai. “One was the 1980 Black Sheep concert, a rare occasion when both tolerated and banned bands were allowed to perform. Then in 1991, it was one of the venues for the ‘Goodbye, Ivan!’ event celebrating the withdrawal of Soviet troops. I had worked on that event, which is how I got to know the subcontractors we later invited to help organise our festival.” Hungary’s youth were ready for a party. After only a few months’ preparation, the festival – initially called Diáksziget, Student Island in Hungarian – attracted 43,000 visitors over seven days. “We organised the first festival with the slogan ‘We need a week together’, referring to a carefree, shared community experience. Another slogan was ‘Everything is allowed, but nothing is mandatory’, which was meant to help us leave the past behind, celebrate freedom in every sense, and express that we never again wanted to live in a dictatorship,” said Gerendai. A wobbly start The line-up for the first festival was largely made up of Hungarian artists, such as alt-rock band Kispál és a Borz, punk band Tankcsapda, and singer János Bródy. In all, 200 bands performed on the festival’s two stages, alongside open-air movies and theatre productions. Yet, as was often the case after the fall of Communism, things didn’t work out as planned. Despite receiving sponsorship from Pepsi, the country’s Nagykanizsa brewery, and some support from the city of Budapest, the festival lost money. Lots of it. “It didn’t go smoothly,” admitted Gerendai. “We faced numerous problems during the process and made serious financial miscalculations.” By the end of the festival, it had run up a huge deficit, and only survived thanks to a bailout by the city council. But after this first turbulent year, Sziget not only survived but thrived. The following year saw the number of festivalgoers – or Szitizens as they are usually known – increase to 143,000. International acts like Jethro Tull, The Birds, and Jefferson Starship started to appear on the line-up. “Sziget outgrew Hungary’s borders early on, and we consciously developed the programme lineup, services, and visual identity so that we would be seen as a unique festival on the international scene as well,” said Gerendai. A beacon of light Chappell Roan on stage at Sziget. Photo: Sziget Festival By 2019, the festival was attracting more than half a million visitors to the Hungarian capital every year. The festival’s reputation was such that it was bringing in some of the world’s biggest music acts, including Arctic Monkeys, Kendrick Lamar, Kings of Leon, P!nk, Rihanna, Muse and David Guetta. Óbuda Island has remained the home of the festival. “It’s a great location: close to downtown Budapest, yet also a green, nature-filled area. It’s also symbolic – an island surrounded by a river, where once you cross the bridge, you can leave everyday problems behind,” Gerendai told Index. “It’s the origin of the nickname given by visitors: the Island of Freedom.” This nickname comes from the festival’s commitment to allowing artists and festival goers to speak their views – and was easy to pull off in a liberal city like Budapest keen to attract to hordes of young foreign tourists to boost the economy. In Gerendai’s opinion, freedom of expression was one of the major achievements of Hungary’s political transition in the 1990s. “I believe freedom of expression is a broader concept than simply who we agree or disagree with; it’s not fundamentally our role to judge other people’s views. At Sziget, we have always provided space for differences of opinion and we respect artistic freedom of expression on stage as well. At the same time, we do set limits: we do not allow hate-inciting or human-dignity violating expressions, and we also do not give space to extremist productions whose audiences could potentially endanger the safety of festival visitors.” As well as music, the festival is a thriving forum for circus, street theatre, film, visual arts and cabaret. At the heart of the festival is an area called Think for Tomorrow. The zone addresses pressing social issues that have an impact on the lives of young people, from their own perspective. “NGOs and organisations that play an important role in social and cultural life have also had their own dedicated space at Sziget since the early days,” said Gerendai. “These groups are worth introducing to the festival audience, and their work aligns with Sziget’s core values, such as sustainability, the protection of human rights, and acceptance.” Stepping back Magic Mirror at Sziget. Photo: Kristóf Hölvényi /Rockstar Photographers www.instagram.com/kristofholvenyi/ Eight years ago, after running 25 Sziget festivals, Gerendai decided to step back and sell his interest in the festival to promoter Superstruct, owned by American private equity company KKR. “I decided to pass the baton and from then on followed the festival only as a guest,” he said. During his time at its helm, the values of the Sziget festival had grown increasingly at odds with those of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz government. There is a huge LGBTQ+ presence at Sziget, both in visitors and artists, with the Magic Mirror venue on the site hosting themed content exploring the LGBTQ+ experience. After the Orbán government introduced anti-LGBTQ+ legislation in 2021, the festival’s new organisers came under pressure over its stance, and there were calls for them to ban under-18s from Magic Mirror. The organisers refused. Sziget’s audience has made itself heard on [former Hungarian prime minister] Orbán over the past few years. At the 2023 festival, during Hungarian rapper Krúbi’s performance the audience started chanting Mocskos Fidesz (Filthy Fidesz). This chant has since become popular common at the festival and at other music events. The Kneecap ban Friction between the festival and Orbán burst into the open in 2025 after Irish rappers Kneecap, who were due to perform at the festival that summer, were banned from the country for being a national security threat. Kneecap are outspoken critics of right-wing political ideology and are particularly scathing about the Israel-Gaza War. Kneecap (along with Bob Vylan) had performed inflammatory sets at Glastonbury the month before and Orbán, for his part, has been strengthening his strategic alliance with Israel, going so far as to declare that “Jewish communities are safer in Budapest than anywhere else in Europe”. Orbán told state broadcaster Kossuth Radio that he was angry that the band had been invited to play at Sziget. He claimed that the organisers’ decision was motivated by financial gain. “Is this damn money really that important?” Orbán asked the radio presenter. Even though they were unable to perform, Kneecap shared a message with festivalgoers gathering at the stage on which they were due to perform. The message read: “We wish we could be there with you at one of the best festivals in the world and the first European festival Kneecap ever played,” the message read. “We can’t because of one hate filled man. Viktor Orbán.” When this part of the message was displayed, a huge crowd who had been told on social media to expect something from the band started booing and chanting “Fuck Orbán”. The message continued: “We have been convicted of zero crimes in any country ever. But we will call out oppression. For calling out Israel’s genocidal campaign Viktor has banned us from your beautiful country for three years. Israel is committing a genocide against the Palestinian people. Viktor Orbán and his government support it. Viktor Orbán and his government tried to shut down Pride in Budapest. They failed. We must stand together. Oppose Orbán. Oppose Israel. Oppose genocide.” The festival’s robust stance in favour of LGBTQ+ rights has won it the European Festival Awards Take a Stand prize twice, in 2023 and 2026 (for 2025). The award recognises festivals that stand up for peaceful dialogue, humanism, tolerance, and mutual understanding – activities that do not necessarily chime with the profit imperative. Stepping forward again It is true, though, that since the Covid pandemic money has been a big problem for the Sziget festival. Like many other European music festivals, Sziget had struggled thanks to two years of cancellations, the spiralling cost of living, and sharply rising artist fees. The festival lost $5.6 million in 2023, and almost $12 million in 2024. In 2025, the company running the festival (without Gerendai) sent a letter to Budapest mayor Gergely Karácsony calling for the agreement between the festival and the city, as the island’s landowner, to be terminated. The festival seemed to be doomed. But the return of a familiar figure saved it at the last minute – its co-founder, Gerendai. “The new owner decided that they no longer wished to finance the festival, which had found itself in a difficult situation in the post-pandemic years due to economic conditions and, in my view, certain conceptual decisions as well,” said Gerendai. “They offered that if I took Sziget back, we could continue organising it under my leadership. So it was either I return – or there would be no Sziget.” “It caused me several sleepless nights, since in the meantime I had been working on completely different things,” Gerendai told Index. “But in the end, I felt that a festival that has become a cultural institution in Hungary and is also significant on the international scene simply cannot end abruptly. Besides, this is my child – I couldn’t abandon it.” Superstruct has come under huge pressure from activists and artists since its acquisition by KKR in June 2024. KKR has significant investments in Israeli companies, including some operating in the West Bank. In May 2025, a number of artists pulled out of the UK’s Field Day festival because of its Superstruct ownership. The transfer of the licence from Superstruct back to Gerendai almost didn’t happen. Budapest City Council initially blocked the transfer, with councillors from Fidesz and Péter Magyar’s opposition Tisza party abstaining from the vote. However, Hungary’s Index newspaper reports that Magyar, reacting to negative sentiment from potential voters over the news that Sziget might fold, quickly arranged a meeting with Gerendai. On 30 October, Magyar posted a picture of himself and Gerendai on Facebook, announcing that the pair would meet again at the 2026 festival after agreeing on two amendments to the proposals: first, that the costs of using the island would be paid back to the city by 2030 rather than 2035, and second, that all Hungarians under the age of 25 would get discounted tickets to the festival – a potential vote-winner among this demographic. Gerendai himself won’t be drawn on his politics. The 2026 Sziget festival is now set to go ahead from 11 to 15 August 2026, featuring Florence + The Machine, Lewis Capaldi, Sombr, Twenty One Pilots, Biffy Clyro and Underworld as well as hundreds of others including Hungarian rapper Sisi on the line-up. Gerendai said, “Many large music festivals operate primarily as business ventures focused on who is performing. In recent years, Sziget had also started to move in this direction, but I believe a festival should stand for more than that. Cultural diversity must be emphasised, as well as a commitment to core values. Reaffirming this ambition can be the key to long-term success – and this is what we aim for in the future.” The future for music festivals remains uncertain but, for now, the legendary island of freedom looks safe back in Gerendai’s hands. READ MORE

2 hours ago

CoinDesk 20 index drops 1.4% as all constituents decline

2 hours ago

Subscribe to News

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

At FSNN – Free Speech News Network, we deliver unfiltered reporting and in-depth analysis on the stories that matter most. From breaking headlines to global perspectives, our mission is to keep you informed, empowered, and connected.

FSNN.net is owned and operated by GlobalBoost Media
, an independent media organization dedicated to advancing transparency, free expression, and factual journalism across the digital landscape.

Facebook X (Twitter) Discord Telegram
Latest News

Bitcoin, Ethereum Resume Rebound as Inflation Hits 3-Year High

4 minutes ago

Why So Many People Feel Lost

35 minutes ago

Prediction markets get first U.S. rule proposal as CFTC pursues contract reviews

57 minutes ago

Subscribe to Updates

Get the latest news and updates directly to your inbox.

© 2026 GlobalBoost Media. All Rights Reserved.
  • Privacy Policy
  • Terms of Service
  • Our Authors
  • Contact

Type above and press Enter to search. Press Esc to cancel.

🍪

Cookies

We and our selected partners wish to use cookies to collect information about you for functional purposes and statistical marketing. You may not give us your consent for certain purposes by selecting an option and you can withdraw your consent at any time via the cookie icon.

Cookie Preferences

Manage Cookies

Cookies are small text that can be used by websites to make the user experience more efficient. The law states that we may store cookies on your device if they are strictly necessary for the operation of this site. For all other types of cookies, we need your permission. This site uses various types of cookies. Some cookies are placed by third party services that appear on our pages.

Your permission applies to the following domains:

  • https://fsnn.net
Necessary
Necessary cookies help make a website usable by enabling basic functions like page navigation and access to secure areas of the website. The website cannot function properly without these cookies.
Statistic
Statistic cookies help website owners to understand how visitors interact with websites by collecting and reporting information anonymously.
Preferences
Preference cookies enable a website to remember information that changes the way the website behaves or looks, like your preferred language or the region that you are in.
Marketing
Marketing cookies are used to track visitors across websites. The intention is to display ads that are relevant and engaging for the individual user and thereby more valuable for publishers and third party advertisers.